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    Middle East
     Jan 21, 2012


Another letter from America for Iran
By Kaveh L Afrasiabi

PALO ALTO, California - United States President Barack Obama has sent yet another letter to Iran's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, reportedly warning Iran that the US considers any Iranian attempt to shut down the strategic Strait of Hormuz as a "red line" that Tehran should not cross or face dire consequences.
While the exact details of this letter are still unknown to the public and limited information about it has been leaked by the White House, this much is clear: it shows that the US and Iran are treading dangerous waters in Persian Gulf, which can ignite in 2012 as a result of building tensions.

Confirming the receipt of Obama's letter, Iran's Foreign Ministry spokesperson Ramin Mehmanparast stated that Iran was studying the letter and considering an appropriate response; this

 

could mirror Obama's initial reaction to a letter of congratulation by Iran's President Mahmud Ahmadinejad, in January 2009, stating that he was "studying" the letter and would answer, a promise he never fulfilled. Snubbing Obama in retaliation may be on Tehran's mind.

But, with an ongoing debate on what kind of response to give to Obama's letter - and non-response is still considered a response, albeit a rather cold one - it may be useful to probe the Iranian political mindset and engage in a simulation of Iranian "groupthink".

That would mean, first and foremost, delineating the main contours of Iranian national security thought and the nuances of Iran's current policy toward the US.

For sure, as Iran's ambassador to the United Nations, Mohammad Khazaee, stated on the popular US talk show program Charlie Rose on Wednesday night, that Iran sees itself as a bastion of stability in the Persian Gulf and, yet at the same time is determined to respond to any threats.

He added that the US and Iran had cooperated in bringing Afghan President Hamid Karzai's government to power and the two countries had common interests and needed to find new venues to cooperate and understand one anther.

Khazaee's firm and yet simultaneously conciliatory tone indicates that Iran is not in the mood to start a war in the Persian Gulf and is blaming the US and Israel for making constant threats and engaging in destabilizing activities such as cyber-attacks, assassination of Iranian scientists, etc.

Inside Iran, there is a small satisfaction at the news that in the aftermath of global reaction to the cold-blooded murder in Tehran of nuclear scientist Mostafa Rahimi Roshan, the US government has decided to postpone its joint military maneuvers with Israel, aimed at rattling Iran according to various Israeli pundits, thus introducing a small dent, by no means irrevocable, in Israel's long-standing "rent a superpower" behavior.

A minor setback to the Israeli warmongers, yet nevertheless hardly a major reason for the Israeli politicians to complain of Obama's not playing along their coercive Iran strategy that nowadays centers on crippling sanctions led and orchestrated by Washington.

European Union foreign ministers are expected at a meeting on Monday to agree an oil embargo and freeze the assets of its central bank, French Foreign Minister Alain Juppe said, according to Reuters.

In keeping with the deep-frozen diplomatic tones, while Iranian Foreign Minister Ali Akbar Salehi said on Wednesday that Iran was in touch with world powers to reopen international talks on Tehran's nuclear program after a one-year hiatus, both Washington and the EU quickly issued denials.

Yet, with the rate of escalating pressures on Iran, 2012 may well turn out to be a decisive year in Iran's nuclear history, irrespective of the impending multilateral nuclear talks scheduled next week in Istanbul, Turkey, coinciding with the crucial European meeting on oil sanctions on Iran, clearly a divisive issue that has compounded European Union's problems.

The nub of Iran's thinking as its leadership pores over Obama's letter, which reminds one of a famous line from the spy movie, Goldfinger, in the scene when James Bond, about to be cut in half by a laser beam, asks, "What do you want me to do?" and receives Goldfinger's response, "I expect you to die."

It seems that like that rogue movie character Obama simply expects Iran to lay down its weapons and lie and die, bear the crippling weight of sanctions without an iota of anger and animosity toward the perpetrator(s) inflicting pain upon pain on an entire nation, in the name of lofty counter-proliferation.

Clearly a tissue of arrogant Western imperialist mind-set, such expectations, which bore fruit against Iraq over an 18-year period that ripened it for eventual invasion in March, 2003, Obama's demand from Iran is somewhat tantamount to asking Iranians to act as passive recipients of imperial benevolence invoked in the name of "rule of law" and "international norms".

"Please forgive us Mr Barack Hussain Obama if we refuse to become another helpless Iraq, which your military pulverized under false pretexts and, trust us, your pretexts of sanctions and military threats against us are carbon copies of your predecessor's egregious missteps in our region, thousands of miles away from your country's shorelines. How would you feel if we constantly paraded our (growing) navy through the Gulf of Mexico? The US is not the only country that has national interests you know." This quotation is the author's, but it could easily come from Iranian officials, who find the tightening noose of US-led sanctions increasingly discomforting, for obvious reasons.

Following the mainstream American discourse on Iran nowadays, the wealth of pro-Israel pundits have aptly rationalized the US's economic warfare on Iran as a "lesser evil" compared to the Israeli military strike, considered a sure thing in the absence of tough US sanctions.

This ploy has dispensed with any "nuance" and, instead, presented a straightforward alternative - of either crippling sanctions or war, thus tying Obama's hands and committing him to the former, which in turn allows him to send letters and warn of military blows to Iran if they dared close the Strait of Hormuz "so vital to the global economy".

But, why should Iranians care about the "global" or "Western" economy when the entire Western world has been mobilized to cripple and decimate Iran's economy? The imperial answer, going back to the Bond movie, is self-explanatory: because we say so.

Well, now Obama, let us level the playing field a little, shall we?

The US should have no illusion that if it succeeds in its present campaign to impose a global ban on Iranian oil, Iran will shut down the Strait of Hormuz and drag the US in an unwanted military confrontation. The question is: is the US prepared to withstand the Iranian blows - a recent study suggests that some 16 US ships would be sunk in a naval bout with Iran - as well as the skyrocketing oil prices, and the heat of indefinite role as "gatekeepers" at Hormuz? And for what end?

The US and its allies should harbor little doubt that Iran would go full nuclear and try to assemble a few nuclear bombs in the event of an Iran-US showdown in Persian Gulf, most likely resulting in the final decimation of Iran's mismatched navy. In a word, on all military, economic, geopolitical, and other fronts, a US war with Iran spells pure disaster and with the high probability of a "lose-lose" net result.

Kaveh L Afrasiabi, PhD, is the author of After Khomeini: New Directions in Iran's Foreign Policy (Westview Press) . For his Wikipedia entry, click here. He is author of Reading In Iran Foreign Policy After September 11 (BookSurge Publishing , October 23, 2008) and Looking for rights at Harvard. His latest book is UN Management Reform: Selected Articles and Interviews on United Nations CreateSpace (November 12, 2011).

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