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     Nov 30, 2005
China and a 'Confucian' commonwealth
By Andrei Lankov

The 17th summit meeting of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) in Busan, South Korea ended this month, to the surprise of few, without achieving much concrete, apart from allowing world dignitaries the opportunity for informal behind-the-scenes discussions.

However, such meetings, now held regularly, do raise the question of whether Asia - or, to be more precise, East Asia - will go the road of Europe, where large-scale summits and free trade agreements laid the foundations for the emergence of a powerful bloc, the European Union, now well on its way to becoming a



unified state.

The political and economic benefits of such a body are obvious, leading to speculation that such a union will develop and the region is heading toward a "Confucian commonwealth", which would include greater China, Japan, the Koreas and Vietnam.

Those skeptical of such a group cite problems of nationalism - witness aged Korean women cutting their fingers in outrage at (purely symbolical) Japanese claims to a rabbit-infested rock (island), and how display windows of the Japanese companies in China are smashed in protest against textbooks that few Japanese schools use. These doubters might be reminded that merely 70 years ago Europe was a hotbed of even greater virulent nationalism. If nationalism waned in Europe, why cannot the same happen in East Asia?

It can. But it seems that there is another challenge to East Asian unity, one that is more difficult to overcome, since it is related to the geographic and demographic structure of the region.

East Asia is different from Europe in one important regard: it is not polycentric, and has almost never been. There are a few co-existing centers of comparable if not equal power - China, Japan, to some extent South Korea. But this situation is unusual, has few historic precedents and perhaps will not last.

Europe offers a dramatically different picture. Since the collapse of the Roman Empire and, at least, until to the end of World War II, Europe consisted of countless states and statelets whose numbers normally reached hundreds, if not thousands. Yet paradoxically, the current unity of Europe grew from this tradition of disunity and centuries of alliance politics.

And the continuing polycentricism of Europe helps to make a continent-wide bloc possible. Four or five major European countries are more or less equal in size and economic potential: for example, there are 60 million French, 82 million Germans, 58 million Italians and 60 million British. The economic potential of major European countries is roughly similar as well. In the case of Germany, the largest country and most powerful economy of the EU, its population forms only 18% of the EU total, and its gross domestic product (GDP) (purchasing power adjusted) is 21% of the EU total. This ratio means that in spite of German, French or British prominence, the EU could not be merely an appendage to Germany, France or Great Britain.

In East Asia, the picture is very different. Currently, in this "Confucian region" there are six independent states - the People's Republic of China, the Republic of China (Taiwan), Japan, North and South Korea and Vietnam - with a population of some 1.6 billion. This has long been the case. Since the rise of the Tang dynasty, the number of independent states in the Confucian world could normally be expressed in one-digit figures.

And once China was united and stable after 1949, it has far surpassed all other states in the region in size, population and economic potential. No other state can possibly hope to play a diplomatic or military game against this sole regional superpower, and East Asia has no other permanent center of power that could be used to ally against China.

China's population has reached 1.3 billion, while the population of all the other countries of the "Confucian" region combined is 300 million. Chinese GDP (purchasing power adjusted) is $6.5 billion, while the same figure for Japan is $3.6 billion, and the gross national product of all other East Asian countries combined is about $1.5 billion.

In a union of Confucian nations, China would control some 81% of its total population and about 56% of its total GDP. This is a far cry from Germany's 18% and 21% respectively. In addition, China also has a fast-growing economy, while Japan is fighting with a long recession. The conventional military superiority of China also is clear - of course, if one chooses to forget that three "small" states of the region are allies of the US.

These circumstance hinder the possible emergence of an East Asian Union far more than occasional nationalist hysterics. If a union includes China, it will not be much different from the half-forgotten organizations where the communist regimes of Eastern Europe were herded by Moscow. Such a union would consist of an absolute hegemon and its powerless minions, whose influence on the affairs of the union might be only nominal.

Unlike Europe of the Cold War era, the region does not face any external threat that would speed up "regionalization" trends. American influence is, certainly, perceived as a potential threat in China, but for a majority of the "smaller" states of the region the US is not a source of danger, but rather a useful counterweight to Chinese ambitions. Three out of the six states in the region are tied to the US by some kind of military alliance (Japan, South Korea and, actually if not on paper, Taiwan). Vietnam now also seeks to improve its relations with the US - among other things, out of fear of Beijing.

Thus, if unity of the small states is possible at all, it is likely to be a union against China, rather than a union with it.

Dr Andrei Lankov is a lecturer in the faculty of Asian Studies, China and Korea Center, Australian National University. He graduated from Leningrad State University with a PhD in Far Eastern history and China, with emphasis on Korea, and his thesis focused on factionalism in the Yi Dynasty. He has published books and articles on Korea and North Asia. He is currently on leave, teaching at Kookmin University, Seoul.

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