Central Asia

Political landscape redrawn
By Mushahid Hussain

ISLAMABAD - Although Afghanistan has been the center of gravity in the US-led war on terror since September 11, the countries in its vicinity have also witnessed profound changes in the past year.

These changes - relationships that have shifted considerably, previously held perceptions that have undergone radical change and new policies that have been introduced - have woven together a pattern of several "firsts". These new realities were virtually unthinkable a year ago.

First, for the first time since Iran's 1979 Islamic Revolution, a clear de facto convergence of interests formed between Tehran and Washington in their shared objective of covertly collaborating to oust their common enemy, the Taliban.

Second, prior to September 11, not one US soldier was based in Central Asia, but now the US has set up military bases in Tajikistan, Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan. In doing so, it has moved into a new neighborhood where the big players are Russia, China and Iran. And third, India has for the first time established a military base in Tajikistan, close to the border with Afghanistan.

Fourth, China and Russia, in a shift of positions based on realpolitik and their national interests, have quietly acquiesced to the build-up of a US military presence close to their borders. Meanwhile, Washington, in a reversal of past policy, officially declared the Muslim dissidents in Chechnya and Xinjiang terrorist organizations. During his visit to Beijing in late August, US Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage designated the East Turkestan Islamic Movement (ETIM) a terrorist group.

These firsts are pointers to a vastly different scenario from that which existed before September 11. The change is apparent in three areas: economic, political and diplomatic.

By far the biggest change could be in more cohesive economic cooperation, with countries in the region eyeing trade access to the warm waters of the Indian Ocean through Pakistan through a pacified Afghanistan. This vision has been publicly expressed as well. On August 27, President Imamali Rakhmonov of Tajikistan and President Nursultan Nazarbayev of Kazakhstan were reported to have told The Washington Post that "an open highway across Afghanistan would bring much of Central Asia within a day's drive of the Pakistani port of Karachi".

It is with an eye on this emerging economic opening that Pakistan has started to build, with Chinese assistance, a port in Gwadar, off the coast of its Balochistan province from which to service Central Asia.

Central Asia is also energy rich. There are enormous gas deposits in Turkmenistan while Kazakhstan's oil reserves are estimated to be in the vicinity of 95 billion barrels.

With international aid flowing into Afghanistan after the Tokyo donors' conference in January 2002 resulted in US$4.5 billion in pledges, there is every likelihood of greater regional integration.

The vehicle for such integration could well be the Tehran-based Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO), whose 10 members are Pakistan, Iran, Turkey, Afghanistan, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Azerbaijan. An end to instability and strife in Afghanistan removes the principal roadblock to improved regional cooperation.

September 11 and its aftermath has also moved other regional players into action.

India, which backed the Northern Alliance against the Taliban, now has a military presence close to Afghanistan in Tajikistan and an agreement to help train the Tajik military.

Iran has pledged $550 million in aid to Afghanistan, a promise reaffirmed during President Mohammad Khatami's visit to Kabul last month.

Western Afghanistan - with Herat as its main city close to Iran under the warlord Ismail Khan, who was in exile in Iran's city of Meshed during Taliban rule - is now a region where Iranian economic, political and cultural influence is strong. Iran is today a key player in Afghanistan.

Turkey, which normally has had a westward orientation, started looking east for the first time when it backed the Turkish-speaking Uzbek warlord, General Abdur Rashid Dostum, who spent the years of Taliban rule in exile in Istanbul. Today, a Turkish general heads the international peacekeeping force in Afghanistan.

The nations of Central Asia and their internal politics are likely to come under closer scrutiny now that the United States seems to have a strategic stake in the region, with a military presence that is likely to remain for the long haul.

Vocal voices for civil liberties and democratic rights will increasingly be heard with louder resonance in the region. This is already evident in the tussle for power against conservatives in Iran, where the moderates and democrats around moderate President Khatami call for rapprochement with Washington.

Diplomatically, with relations between Moscow and Washington warming, the close camaraderie growing between Russia and China prior to September 11 has somewhat weakened, bringing into question the future of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO).

The SCO, which groups China, Russia Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan, agreed to fight "religious extremism, separatism and terrorism" in a June 2001 summit. But in a post-September 11 world the relevance of this commitment remains in doubt.

The biggest change due to this will be felt in Central Asia, where countries like Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan felt threatened by the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU), which found sanctuary in the Taliban's Afghanistan.

Similarly, movements like the ETIM in China's Xinjiang province found succor in Afghanistan as well. The threat posed by the IMU and the ETIM has subsided and will be easily contained now that their bases of support and refuge have dried up.

But the most far-reaching consequence of September 11 for the region could well be Afghanistan's return to a semblance of stability and normalcy after 23 years of civil strife. Rebuilding Afghanistan will help accelerate its rehabilitation and reconstruction as a modern state.

Herein lies the key to the opportunities that seem to loom large on the regional horizon after September 11.

It is tragic that it has required a cataclysmic event to spawn the cautious optimism that could today be the basis for this ancient region to fashion a future - while healing the wounds of a violent and unstable past.

(Inter Press Service)



 
Sep 11, 2002



Indian military shadow over Central Asia  (Sep 10, '02)

The arming of Central Asia  (Aug 24, '02)

Russia goes its own way on Iran  (Aug 8, '02)





 

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