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China's hunger for Central Asian energy
By Mark Berniker

While Russian, Middle Eastern, European and United States interests are vying for stakes in emerging Central Asian markets, it is China that is most keen to develop oil in Eurasia in an effort to satisfy its massive energy-import needs in coming years. China is turning a keen eye to Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan, in particular, but there are also signs the Chinese may be edged out by multinational oil companies to harvest the riches off the shores of the Caspian Sea.

Chinese energy enterprises are competing with Western oil companies and are having mixed success in making their way into a variety of ventures in Russia, Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan. China has made it clear that energy development in Eurasia is a top priority, not only in Kazakhstan, where a major deal was recently scuttled, but in neighboring Azerbaijan as well.

Last Wednesday, China's Sinopec inked its first major oil deal with the State Oil Co of Azerbaijan Republic (SOCAR), for the development of a small onshore US$140 million project. The Pirsagat oilfields are estimated to have reserves of close to 50 million barrels. And Sinopec is not alone working in Azerbaijan; the Chinese National Petroleum Corp (CNPC), the parent of PetroChina, already has onshore operations in Azerbaijan. But none of the major Chinese oil companies have sealed deals to assist in offshore development in Azerbaijan. It is offshore in the Caspian where Azerbaijan's great future riches may reside, but deals have been stalled because of the lack of territorial legal clarity for energy exploration rights in and along the Caspian Sea. Russia, Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan and Iran have differing views on the borders of the sea that are complicating factor in developing offshore deposits.

While Russia and Kazakhstan have struck a deal agreeing on Caspian offshore rights, and Iran and Turkmenistan have conducted recent talks, wrangling over the offshore territorial rights in the Caspian persists. But a breakthrough may be on the near horizon as Kazakhstan is expected to disclose details of a major energy development plan in the Caspian this month. On Wednesday, according to a Reuters report from Almaty, President Nursultan Nazerbayev said he "has signed a highly confidential Caspian Sea oil development program and will present the plan in Canada in late June, a government official said". Kazakhstan has been working with several Canadian companies in the field of energy development, including Hurricane Hydrocarbons, which recently changed its name to PetroKazakhstan and says it is "an independent, integrated, international energy company, celebrating its sixth year of operations in the Republic of Kazakhstan. It is engaged in the acquisition, exploration, development and production of oil and gas, refining of oil and the sale of oil and refined products." It will be interesting to find out details of Nazerbayev's Caspian energy plan, and why he is going to Canada to deliver it. Nazerbayev is expected to deliver an energy development plan that will spell out close to 120 tenders for rights to explore off Kazakhstan's coast.

And while the Canadians may be making progress in Kazakhstan, the Chinese were burned just last month when a major deal was scuttled at the last minute. Sinopec and CNOOC, China's third-largest oil firm, failed to purchase stakes from a British Gas-led consortium in the giant offshore Caspian project at Kashagan in Kazakhstan. It was reported that several Western oil companies led to the blocking of their Chinese rivals from being allowed to take stakes in Kazakhstan's North Caspian Sea Production Sharing Agreement. Britain's BG, Royal Dutch/Shell, France's Total FinaElf and US-based ExxonMobil and ConocoPhillips are among the Western members of the consortium, which voted to retain the shares in the venture and prevented the Chinese from gaining a stake in their consortium.

But China doesn't seem dissuaded by the episode, and strategically it makes sense for the country to try to invest and develop energy resources in Eurasia rather than trying to turn to the Middle East for its immense oil and gas needs. And China is not alone - the likes of India and Japan are also trying to get involved with Russian, Kazakh and Azeri oil and gas projects. But Russia is firmly enmeshed in the web of energy trade in the region and doesn't want to get edged out of lucrative pipeline projects, as it is expected to be with the construction of the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline across Azerbaijan through volatile Georgia and on to Turkey.

Russia and China's mutual interest in spurring energy trade is unquestionable. CNPC said last month that it plans to import 700 million tonnes of oil worth some $140 billion between 2005 and 2030 from Russia via a pipeline from Western Siberia to Chinese Daqing. Just as Kazakhstan sees itself as both a major oil producer and key transit point to both East and West, Russia is eager to develop pipelines that will bring its energy exports to China, India and elsewhere in import-hungry Asia.

But while Russian energy exports to China are expected to be significant in the coming years, China not only needs Russia, but wants to diversify its interests in the region and continues to work on striking deals in the energy-producing regions of Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan. But the relationship is not just about energy, the Chinese government is very troubled by extremists in its northwestern region of Xinjiang, home to millions of Uighurs and a relatively small group of separatists aligned with the East Turkestan Islamic Movement. ETIM has been branded a terrorist organization by the United States, and China does not want to see pockets of Islamic extremists training near its borders, or even striking within its massive territory.

Chinese President Hu Jintao and Nazerbayev said at a joint press conference that China and Kazakhstan will join forces to combat their concerns about extremism and terrorism in the region. Having said that, Kazakhstan has "temporarily" shut its 1,800-kilometer border because of concerns about the potential spread of severe acute respiratory syndrome into Central Asia. Hu's recent visit to Central Asia and Russia came as the SARS crisis in China continued to hang over his newly established presidency, and the worldwide criticism of how his government has handled what has turned into a global health scare.

China's policy designs in Central Asia, the Caucasus and Russia came into focus with Hu's visit to the region. His two-day state visit to Kazakhstan coincided with a meeting in Moscow of the fledgling Shanghai Cooperation Organization. The SCO said it is setting up a regional anti-terrorist center in the Kyrgyz capital, Bishkek, and that the six states' prime ministers will meet again this year in Tashkent to discuss the organization's budget. The SCO includes China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. The group has decided to base its headquarters in Beijing, an odd choice given its name, and the secretary general will be a Chinese official, drawing into question the role Russia and the Central Asian states will play in the group.

Meanwhile, as the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries tries to court Russia, Kazakhstan has said that it plans to become one of the world's top five oil producers, with the goal of increasing its output from just over 1 million barrels per day today to 3 million barrels per day by 2015. While multinational oil companies based in the US and Europe are expected to play a major role in cultivating energy exports in Russia, Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan, it is China that ultimately could be the biggest importer of those supplies. China wants to take equity stakes in Eurasian energy ventures so that it is able to control its economic destiny, rather than replicating the West's and Japan's dependency on the Middle East for energy needs.

Mark Berniker is a freelance journalist specializing in Eurasian affairs.

(Copyright 2003 Asia Times Online Co, Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact content@atimes.com for information on our sales and syndication policies.)
 
Jun 11, 2003



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