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PART 2: Idealism in a hostile territory

Part 1: The school of death

Gardez, capital of the southern province of Paktia, was once called Gard-rez, which means "spreading dust". It is a singularly apt name for the city, which lies 145 kilometers to the south of Kabul. A Turkish company is rebuilding the road from Gardez to Kabul, and soldiers guard the laborers. A lone soldier sat on a rock at the top of a mountain range that leads to a flat plain spotted with the occasional collection of patchwork tents belonging to the Kuchi tribespeople, and the colorful dresses of their women, nomads who are largely unregistered to vote in the elections on October 9, most of them not even understanding the significance of the elections.

The journey from Gardez to the town of Chamkani was a tortuous and turbulent six-hour ride over riverbeds and boulders accomplished at 20km/h - and this in a four-wheel-drive vehicle that left one feeling seasick and bruised. Fertile valleys are sandwiched between parched mountaintops and the makeshift road snakes through fields of wheat, rice paddies and miles of pungent cultivated cannabis, grown for hashish. Along the road there is no sign of electricity or of any security forces.

Ancient mud irrigation canals gleam in the sun as empty-handed men lead a line of women wearing brightly colored dresses and scarves overloaded with bundles of sticks or straw like giant porcupines. The only concession to modernity is the occasional four-wheel-drive parked in front of a cracked mud house. Chamkani lies only 20 minutes from the Pakistani border, and US attack helicopters fly overhead. Chamkani is listed as a "high-risk/hostile environment" on the United Nations "risk map" for Afghanistan.

Gulab Sha, 52, is one of four election commissioners for the greater Chamkani region employed by the Joint Electoral Management Body (JEMB), the organization tasked by the United Nations and the Afghan Transitional Islamic Government with running the elections. With his dark-red skin, long gray beard, white cap and prayer beads, he did not look like a man who possesses a master's degree in political science from Bulgaria. Referring obliquely to the Soviet occupation, he grinned and said, "There once was a suitable time for us to study in Bulgaria."

Although unemployed for the past 10 years, he had been a teacher and headmaster in the Afghan refugee camps of Pakistan after his six years of study in Bulgaria during the 1980s were completed. He has worked for the election since May. "People don't know the importance of elections," he explained, an importance he himself did not likely learn in the universities of communist Bulgaria. "We want to inform them of the importance of elections so they can choose the people they like. Elections are a condition for democracy. People can get their rights this way. Democracy is freedom. If there is no democracy we will have anarchy and war."

When asked what democracy meant to him, he explained, "Democracy is a system of equality where law rules." Using his hands expressively, like a politician, he insisted that "elections are important to have at this time. If we have a strong central government then security will slowly come. If it were not for the Bonn transitional government [of Hamid Karzai] then the fighting would not stop."

Though he admitted that educating a largely illiterate population of the value of voting was difficult, he pointed to their successes. "Our target was 12,000 voters registered and we registered 28,000. Twelve thousand was just an estimate, we didn't have statistics for the population." He did not acknowledge that some people might have registered more than once, a possibility that has led to 129.5% of the estimated number of eligible voters registering in the central highlands region of the country, and 133.6% registering in the southeast.

Fifty-six percent of Chamkani's registered voters are women, a great success in highly traditional Pashtun society. That so many women have registered in much of the country is due to the valiant efforts of a few. Forty-seven percent of women in Paktia are registered. An impressive figure, but most women are illiterate and will vote for whomever their husbands tell them to. Only men listen to radios at night, the main source of information on the world outside the village.

Shinkai Zahine, head of the Afghan Women's Education Center, rallied Paktia's majority Pashtun population to register to vote. She was the first woman to enter the province's shura , or council. She benefited from her reputation as the daughter of a respected tribal leader and dressed conservatively, using religious language when she spoke to mobilize female voter registration.

"It's very difficult to change the mentality of the people," she said, but she appealed to their ethnic concerns. "I said, 'Look, Pashtuns, you will lose if you stay like this. You claim you are the majority [in the country], but if only your men vote you will be the minority.'" This is not an approach likely to satisfy feminists, but it appealed to local concerns. Likewise, some United Nations workers express unease with UN efforts to register women by going "door to door saying 'if your wife votes you get two votes'".

At first the commission in Chamkani only planned to have 12 voting locations in their region, but to accommodate the large numbers of registered voters they increased it to 47 locations, each with one box for the ballots. Gulab explained that a "voting station has to be a suitable place for 600 people, a mosque, shop, school or large house". The furthest voting station is 40km from the center of Chamkani.

Gulab pulled out of his pocket a sample ballot he used to educate people. It was a blurry copy of the final version, which was printed in Canada, with 18 unrecognizable black-and-white portraits of the candidates, their names illegible and the symbol or geometric design for their party equally unclear. There will be somebody to assist voters who were confused, he explained, not adding that he could just as likely tell them whom to vote for. Every voting center is supposed to have one armed policeman, five armed villagers and six armed people to transport the ballot boxes to the Chamkani election center.

After voting ends the 47 boxes will be locked and the number of votes cast in them recorded and they will then each make their way to the Chamkani voting center, spending the night there before being taken over the rocks and rivers to the provincial capital of Gardez the following day. Here they will be opened and the number of ballots compared to the number on the box.

Thus in Chamkani alone 47 boxes will be moving and lightly defended targets heading to the district office, and then one bonanza collection heading to Gardez, should anybody be inclined to derail the elections. And some people have already acted on these inclinations.

In the month of August there were 21 attacks against election sites, including six bombs or mines placed next to voter registration locations and the homes of election officials, and four attacks against voting locations and homes of staff involved, with rockets, grenades or stones. Between May 1 and August 20, the second phase of voter registration, 12 voter registration staff were killed and 33 injured in attacks.

When pressed as to who most people in Chamkani might vote for, Gulab remained firm: "We know whom they like but I cannot say. We are not allowed to say." When pressed further he smiled obstinately. "I cannot say because I work for the commission, but at the time of the elections I can say, I will say, and I will vote."

TOMORROW: Part 3 - Safe haven in Bamiyan

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Oct 7, 2004
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