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    Central Asia
     Mar 24, 2007
Page 3 of 4
A new dividing line in Europe
By M K Bhadrakumar

environmental factors but in effect compelling Russia (and Kazakhstan) eventually to reroute Caspian oil via the bypass pipeline of BTC running through Turkey.

From the US point of view, the developing Great Game over the pipelines in the Black Sea region holds the potential to isolate Russia strategically from the EU, as the BTC, BTE and Nabucco



in essence aim at reducing Europe's dependence on Russian energy supplies.

Thus, at the end of the day, Russia finds itself falling back on its famous energy weapon to break out of the web of containment that the US is weaving around it. A three-pronged Russian energy offensive seems to be in the making, which is hugely ambitious in scope and is fraught with deep significance for the geopolitics of Eurasia, and Russia's relations with the EU in particular.

Russia punctures US containment
There are three emerging dimensions to the developing Russian energy strategy. First, Russia is pressing ahead with the trans-Balkan oil pipeline known as the Burgas-Alexandroupolis project, envisaging the construction of a 280-kilometer pipeline from the Bulgarian port of Burgas on the Black Sea to Greece's Alexandroupolis on the Aegean.

Russian state companies will hold a 51% stake in the project, with Bulgaria and Greece holding 24.5% each. The project includes two sea terminals - one in Burgas able to unload 150,000-tonne tankers from the Russian Black Sea port of Novorossiisk, and the second in Alexandroupolis for 150,000-300,000-tonne-tankers.

The $1 billion project has significant implications. First, Russia has blunted the heavy US pressure on Bulgaria and Greece not to go ahead with the project. More important, the readiness of the two allies of the US not to pay heed to Washington's demarche and instead to proceed to cooperate with Russia reveals that the US agenda of evolving a Euro-Atlantic approach to the energy dialogue with Russia is not a fait accompli - at least, not yet.

That leaves considerable scope for Moscow to work on the energy-security concerns of the European countries at the bilateral level, which would incrementally help harmonize the overall climate of Russia-EU partnership in the course of time. (The EU has issued a formal statement welcoming the Burgas-Alexandroupolis pipeline project despite its potential to enhance Russia's profile in the European energy market.)

Second, Russia is positioning itself through the Burgas-Alexandroupolis project as a major supplier of energy for the countries of southeastern Europe. This frustrates the US regional policy to build up a tier of countries in southeastern Europe, which work closely with the US efforts to isolate Russia in the Black Sea region. (Putin pointedly drew attention to the implications of the Burgas-Alexandroupolis project for "global security".)

Third, the Russian project frustrates the US attempt to dictate the primacy of the BTC as the key transportation route for Caspian oil to the Western market. It preempts the US attempt to pit Russia against Turkey in the Black Sea region.

Fourth, Russia intends to make the Burgas-Alexandroupolis pipeline a virtual extension of the main 1,510km Caspian Pipeline Consortium (CPC) that already connects the oilfields in western Kazakhstan with the oil terminal at Novorossiisk (which currently handles 90% of Russia's oil exports).

Russia is now likely to work on increasing the CPC's capacity. Russia hopes to have this pipeline system linking CPC with Burgas-Alexandroupolis to be used by Kazakhstan primarily for the export of oil from its massive Tengiz and Kashagan oilfields. In other words, Kazakhstan will continue to depend on Russian pipelines for the export of the bulk of its oil to the Western market despite the sustained US attempts to persuade Astana to bypass Russian pipelines.

The BTC currently pumps 300,000 barrels per day of Caspian crude but expects to carry 500,000bpd by next year, half of which is expected to come from Kazakhstan. That country needed a lot of persuasion last year at the level of Bush and Cheney to route part of its oil exports through the BTC. The coming into being of the Burgas-Alexandroupolis pipeline deals a body blow to the BTC's expectations of attracting more quantities of Kazakh oil. (The BTC's long-term economic viability has always been in doubt.)

The multibillion-dollar expansion of Tengiz oilfield is expected to double its production by the end of this year. The Kashagan oilfield is expected to come online shortly thereafter. Inputs of Kazakh oil become critical for BTC within less than a decade, but an expanded CPC pipeline connecting the flow of Kazakh oil via the Black Sea into the Russian-controlled Burgas-Alexandroupolis pipeline works to the detriment of the BTC. Somehow, at one stroke, Russia seems to have knocked the bottom out of the US strategic calculations in sponsoring the BTC.

A spectacular chapter in the Great Game seems to be nearing its epitaph. In geopolitical terms, Russia's strategy to keep Kazakhstan within its sphere of influence gets reinforced substantially. Significantly, immediately after the signing of the Burgas-Alexandroupolis pipeline project on March 15, Putin met with Kazakh President Nurusultan Nazarbayev in Moscow on Sunday and Monday and held detailed discussions over the prospects of enhanced cooperation between the two countries in the energy sector. After their talks, Nazarbayev poured cold water on the Western media reports in recent months speculating that Kazakhstan was moving away from Russia's sphere of influence toward the US camp.

He asserted at a press conference on Monday in the presence of Putin, "We are not competitors in the oil-and-gas sector, we are partners. Russia has resources and so has Kazakhstan. The fact that in 2006 alone Kazakhstan transported 43 million tonnes of oil through Russian territory - and there were 50 million tonnes in total - acts as proof of this. Kazakhstan exported 24 billion cubic meters of gas through Russia. We have major joint ventures in the Caspian shelf - ventures with a 50% stake. These projects are planned for decades to come."

Putin on his part stressed that particular attention was paid at the summit with Nazarbayev to "transporting energy resources, developing innovative projects and creating joint ventures in the fuel and energy sector". (Putin also revealed, inter alia, that despite open expressions of reservation by the US State Department, Kazakhstan would participate in a joint venture with Russia for establishing a uranium-enrichment center in Russia.)

Finally, the Burgas-Alexandroupolis pipeline will divert the Caspian oil volumes necessary to the Odessa-Brody pipeline in Ukraine. (Poland and Ukraine were hoping to have direct access to Caspian oil via the Odessa-Brody pipeline.) That is to say, the attempts by Ukraine and Poland (one "New European" and another aspiring "New European") to have direct access to Caspian energy bypassing Russia will remain a pipe dream.

This has serious implications for a range of issues in the geopolitics of central Europe and Eurasia. Broadly, it gives scope for Russia incrementally to build up the sinews of a relationship in

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