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    Central Asia
     Oct 3, 2007
Page 1 of 3
Tajikistan struggles for power
By John Helmer

MOSCOW - It's difficult to run a country in the dark. Politicians who leave voters in the cold, unable to cook or keep warm, become unpopular with the flick of a switch. Swarms of secret police can't offset the damage that having no electricity causes.

President Emomali Rahmon (Rahmonov), 55, who has run Tajikistan for the past 15 years, understands the problem, and suspects his rivals of manipulating electricity supply to Tajikistan with the aim of toppling him, as well as those of his extended



family with the ambition to keep power for another generation.

The foreign powers with a stake in who rules Tajikistan see the same thing; they include the United States, Russia, China, India and the European Union. They are all bidding the billions of dollars required to build the dams and power stations to replenish Tajikistan's energy supply, and enable its ruler to turn the tap and the switch in the opposite direction - exporting water and power across the border, thus subjecting their rulers to influence and political pressure.

Turning the lights and water on and off isn't a political problem that is limited to Tajikistan, for it impacts on neighboring Uzbekistan, together with Afghanistan and Pakistan to the south, Iran to the west, Kyrgyzstan to the north and China to the east.

Just how dark it was in Tajikistan last winter became apparent, before the spring thaw, when the volume in key dams whose waters generate hydroelectricity sank too low to turn the turbines and allow the power plants to operate safely. Without enough water, there wasn't enough electricity. The Tajik government then applied to neighboring Uzbekistan to buy the additional power it needed for light and heat. The Uzbeks refused to deliver the extra quantities, claiming they did not have the necessary technical infrastructure, and that they needed the surplus for their own winter requirements.

But Tajik sources accuse the Uzbeks of intentionally disrupting the power grids linking the two countries to allow cutoffs. The real reason Uzbekistan is limiting its power sharing with Tajikistan, the Tajiks believe, is that Uzbekistan is afraid that Tajikistan will dam too much of the headwater for hydropower generation, and reduce the water flow on which Uzbekistan depends to irrigate its food production.

No one should blame the Uzbeks, for this is exactly how Tajik water was designed to flow during Soviet planning days. Hydropower in Tajikistan was operated primarily as an irrigation system, and power generation was secured by other sources, also located regionally, but not inside Tajikistan. The system of energy and water exchange worked relatively well between the Central Asian republics in the Soviet model.

The independence the republics then grabbed with the fall of the union in 1990-91 came with an energy price tag some republics could afford more than others. In Tajikistan's case, it was least self-sufficient of all; the country also lacked the exportable fossil-fuel sources the others enjoyed to export for cash.

The strategic problems for Tajikistan have been, and remain today, the desperate under-capitalization of its energy resource sector, and dependence on a single, electricity devouring plant for exportable product; that's the Tajikistan Aluminum Plant (TadAZ, Talco).

Since electricity accounts for most of the cost of producing aluminum, the only reason a country unable to provide enough power to its people would tolerate a plant consuming power at a discount is that everyone shares the income and profits of the plant.

In Tajikistan, the nexus linking water, electricity and aluminum turns out to be a state secret - and a presidential monopoly.

A World Bank study of the regional electricity export potential in Central Asia, dated December 2004, also exposes a significant embarrassment for those Western powers intent on pulling Tajikistan out of its former Soviet mold, and beyond Russian influence.

For the next decade at least, the Washington report suggests, talk of Tajikistan's leap into the power-exporting league is fanciful. The best it can hope for with the means available is the reduction of power losses - about 28% of current power produced in Tajikistan is lost, mostly by technical failures in the distribution system, discounting and non-payments; and by the increase of power supplies through two Tajik hydropower plants, initially started in the Soviet era, and under construction or planning by Russians today. These are the Rogun and Sangtuda plants.

Even more embarrassing, the small print of the World Bank study pointed a finger at the Tajik ruler, Rahmon. Calculating the marginal generation costs for producing electricity in Afghanistan, Iran, Pakistan and China, with the landed cost of exporting Tajik electricity to those countries from Rogun and Sangtuda, the bank concluded: "While Central Asian supplies should be cost competitive in these markets, the cost advantage is not overwhelming." Noting that this electricity trade is "more politically sensitive than general trade", the report warned the construction of new power-exporting plants will depend on "supply security concerns", and the "perception that the political climate and business environment in the exporting countries are stable".

In more than one study of Tajikistan that year, the World Bank cast doubt on the country's stability on account of its endemic corruption and the place Rahmon took at the top of the state structure.

Fast-forward three years, and though Tajikistan remains at the bottom of the global corruption league, the World Bank is now leading a cheer squad of international investors and donors to put cash in the places where Rahmon has emptied it - the aluminum plant Talco, first of all.

While Talco has been busy turning electricity into aluminum for Rahmon to sell, he has been unable to solve the seasonal shortage of electricity for everyone else. Several steps have been taken by the Tajik government to resolve the immediate power shortage and to avoid a similar one this coming winter.

One option is to persuade Uzbekistan to reopen the power transmission network connecting the Marry Hydroelectric station in Turkmenistan with Uzbekistan's Karikul station. Tajikistan was long able to purchase electricity from this grid, but not since 2002. This past March, Uzbekistan denied Tajikistan the provision of transit electricity from Turkmenistan.

A month later, agreement was reached between the two governments to restore the regional power grid that goes across Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. According to Barki

Continued 1 2


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