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    Central Asia
     Dec 15, 2007
Russia's east warms to China
By Dmitry Shlapentokh

Recently, a contributor to Zavtra, one of the best known of Russia's conservative publications, noted an interesting fact. He stated that not only are Russians from the Far Eastern border provinces of the Russian Federation engaged in active trade visits to China - a process initiated a long time ago and well covered by the press - but they are now buying houses there as well.

While some are purchasing vacation homes, others are planning for retirement. The desire to move to China permanently has been shared, according to the quoted author, by hundreds of thousands



of residents of the Russian Far East. They would have moved to China immediately, the author claims, if they could find good jobs.
This information - even if only part of it is true - is quite important. For one thing, it's much different from what's happening in other parts of Russia or the rest of the post-Soviet world. No Muscovites are relocating to the Caucasus, to the ethnic enclaves of Chechnya, Dagestan or Ingushetia. And even ethic Russians still living in those areas are anxious to leave. The situation is essentially the same in Central Asia.

Also, few Russians from within the Russian Federation are willing to move even to mostly mono-ethnic Uzbekistan or Turkmenistan - or to Kazakhstan with its considerable Russian-speaking community. And, of course, it is extremely rare that a Russian would decide to move permanently or retire to Siberia or the Far East if he or she had a job and a home in Moscow or St Petersburg.

The opposite is happening: Russians are increasingly migrating to other places from Russia's Far Eastern Federal District - a huge area covering 6,215,900 square kilometers and stretching from the Lena River basin to the Bering Sea - as factories are closing down and military installations have been withdrawn. Siberia and the Far East lost a considerable part of their populations during the post-Soviet era, mostly due to migration to western Russia.

From this perspective, the desire of a considerable number of ethnic Russians to move to China, or at least to consider such a move, could be of great importance.

For years, the Russian mass media have been full of stories concerning the potential threat of China, not because of imminent war, but because of massive immigration and creeping annexation. The potential influx of the Chinese, many Russians feel, would dissolve national identity in an oncoming sea of an alien race. As a rule, the Chinese are also unfairly presented as being dirty and uncivilized. And although there is paranoia of being lost among the Asiatics, Russians, especially increasing numbers of Russian nationalists, have nothing against being part of Europe, or the West in general.

In fact, in November, in an annual march organized by Russian nationalists, an American gave a speech in which he emphasized that Russians and Caucasian-Americans are brothers. The American speaker continued by calling on all Caucasians to defend Western civilization and protect the Caucasian race from the influx of non-whites. But whether this fear of the Chinese is irreversibly ingrained in the Russian mindset remains to be seen. The fear of non-Caucasian, non-Western newcomers is not just a Russian or European fear, but a global phenomenon.

In the United States some reports suggest there is an increasing dislike of Latin Americans. The underpinnings for this racial mistrust are not so much cultural and linguistic, but related to deeper difficulties in American society - the lack of industrial jobs, the plunging dollar, poor schools and an inefficient health service.

The same situation can be seen in Russia where, despite economic improvement during Putin's tenure, large segments of society and whole regions of Russia have been left behind. For some poorer Russians, the Chinese and non-European minorities have become a symbol of poverty, instability and crime. With hope, the perception will improve in the the future. One possibility is that China's burgeoning economy will be increasingly viewed as a symbol of prosperity and stability. For Russians, China may emerge as a land of opportunity - a far cry from Central Asia or Siberia.

China may someday be seen as a nation of stability and tolerance. Again, quite different from the Northern Caucasus where Russians are killed simply because they are not Chechen, Ingushetian, or Dugestanian. The acceptance of China's implicit influence over the Far East and beyond may well be furthered by the past policies of the Central Russian government.

For example, it is well known that the considerable wealth accumulated during the Putin administration has been mostly stashed in the currency reserves of the Russian central bank or spent for the improvement of a few big cities mostly in the European part of the country, especially Moscow. The Russian heartland, and especially Siberia and the Far East, received just pennies from the boom and the average resident of the Far East has seen no visible improvement to quality of life despite Moscow much-trumpeted programs .

The contributor to Zavtra made his point clearly: Moscow is increasingly seen as an imperial predator that robs the resources of the Far East without giving anything in exchange. More practically, the contributor pointed out that residents of the Far East, many of whom couldn't even afford a ticket to the capital, find it much easier to travel to a nearby Chinese city.

Finally, those Far Eastern Russians who consider themselves the first line of defense for Christian-European civilization might do well to realize that their reinforcements are far away in European Russia and would hardly provide much help in the case of trouble.

Ultimately, perhaps, the minds of Russians may change. China, long painted as the home of horrific Asiatics, poverty and danger, could well be re-imagined as a nexus of security, tolerance and, above all, wealth. Such gravitation towards China would increase substantially if Chinese authorities would engage in the same policies with the Russian Far East that it has with other countries of Asia and Africa, improving infrastructure with roads, hospitals and schools.

If such engagement occurs, and Moscow's policies continue to foster alienation in the Far East, enormous and irreversible changes could be ahead for a considerable segment of the Russian population in the Far East and elsewhere. In the case of a serious crisis, and presented with waning political and military power in Moscow, these Russians may very prefer to Beijing to their own government. In such a hypothetical situation, the Russian Far East could become a Chinese province.

China, in the end, appears poised to radically influence the Russian Far East, but not in the way Moscow fears. It won't come from a massive influx of Chinese immigrants, but rather a from the unforeseen "Sino-ization" of ethnic Russians themselves.

Dmitry Shlapentokh, PhD, is associate professor of history, College of Liberal Arts and Sciences, Indiana University South Bend. He is author of East Against West: The First Encounter - The Life of Themistocles, 2005.

(Copyright 2007 Asia Times Online Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us about sales, syndication and republishing.)


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(24 hours to 11:59 pm ET, Dec 13, 2007)

 
 



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