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    Central Asia
     Jul 10, 2010
BOOK REVIEW
Tracing her majesty's secret service
Defend the Realm: The Authorized History of MI5 by Christopher Andrew

Reviewed by Mahan Abedin

Cambridge historian Christopher Andrew's Defend the Realm: The Authorized History of MI5 marks the centenary of that intelligence agency's founding in 1909. By Andrew's own admission it is not an official history, though it is an authorized version of the British Security Service's first 100 years.

The fact that Andrew relies on authorized Security Service files and was handpicked by MI5 to produce this work inevitably calls his academic objectivity into question. Nonetheless, Andrew proves himself an impressive historian by poring over a feast of

 

400,000 paper files to weave a coherent history of arguably the most important institution in the United Kingdom.

Clearly sympathetic to the Security Service - and to British intelligence as a whole - Andrew is nonetheless careful not to violate the bounds of academic inquiry in too brazen a fashion. While his enthusiasm for the operational brilliance of MI5 is often tempered by a desire to impart an individual analysis on matters of strategic import, Andrew does not go nearly far enough in underlining the transgressions and failings of the Security Service.

A secret history
In the past three decades, the British Security Service (MI5) has undergone relentless demystification to the extent that it is widely talked about and even ridiculed in the British media.

This is in stark contrast to its sister organization, the Secret Intelligence Service (or MI6 as it is better known), the main United Kingdom foreign intelligence agency, whose very existence the British government continues to deny, to the amazement of much of the rest of the world.

Andrew's main contribution has been to weave together a narrative that captures the reality of MI5's work and achievements. Above all, Andrew clearly establishes the credentials of MI5 as probably the best counter-espionage and counter-terrorist organization in the world. Doubtless the chiefs and historians of the world's best and most ambitious intelligence agencies would concur with Andrew's conclusions, being all too aware of MI5's fearsome reputation for detecting and disrupting hostile foreign intelligence activity on UK soil.

Like most grand British institutions, MI5 has remarkably humble origins; its founder, Captain Vernon Kell, did not acquire a clerk until March 1910, while according to Andrew's research even at the outbreak of World War I in 1914 MI5 was being run on a shoestring budget with a staff of 17 (including Kell), six of whom were clerical staff and one a caretaker.

Despite the lack of resources, MI5 managed to round up the entire German espionage network in the UK during that war. This stunning success against German intelligence was followed up in even more spectacular fashion during World War II, when MI5 practically controlled the entire German espionage network in Britain through the "double-cross" system, whereby German spies were systematically turned by MI5 and deployed as double agents.

Andrew's detailed description of the double-cross system makes for a riveting read, especially the antics of the system's most accomplished practitioners, agent GARBO (Juan Pujol) and his MI5 handler Tomas Harris, both of whom appear to have had the time of their lives comically deceiving the breathtakingly naive and incompetent German intelligence service.

Andrew also sheds light on other intriguing aspects of World War II intelligence, in particular the exploits of Angel Alcazar de Velasco, the war-time Spanish diplomat in London. A larger than life character, this one-time bootblack of gypsy origin had - according to MI5 files - defied his lot in life through sheer force of personality.

Of greatest interest to MI5 were Velasco's skills in the art of fabricating intelligence. At the height of the war, he was making 4,000 pounds sterling a month (a fortune at today's rates) selling bogus intelligence to the Germans and the Japanese.

While providing riveting details, Andrew gets carried away with his enthusiasm for MI5's analysis and operations before and during wartime. This is most evident in his description of the events just prior to the outbreak of war in September 1939, when, he assiduously claims, MI5 was practically the only governmental department warning of the inevitability of conflict with Germany.

Andrew's only source for this serious claim is the mostly oral reports of a London-based aristocratic German diplomat, Wolfgang zu Putlitz, who was recruited by MI5 in the mid-1930s, via the London-based German journalist (and MI5 agent) Jona Ustinov.

Generally speaking, Andrew does a good job in explaining with as much detail as he can get away with, MI5's bread and butter work of detecting and disrupting hostile foreign intelligence activity in Britain. Not every foreign intelligence service was as useless as the Germans, and Andrew provides unique insights into the Security Service's intense battle with the far more formidable Soviet KGB and its allied intelligence services from the former Eastern Bloc.

He also provides unique insights into MI5's secret war with lesser-known services, particularly with Iran's Ministry of Intelligence and Security (MOIS), which according to MI5 files posed the greatest intelligence and terrorism threat to the UK in the 1990s on account of its relentless pursuit of UK-based Iranian dissidents and the British-Indian author Salman Rushdie, who was condemned to death by the late Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini in February 1989 for allegedly committing blasphemy in this book The Satanic Verses.

But in five important cases, Andrew's work falls short of the exacting and forensic scrutiny required to establish the full facts. Andrew appears too enthusiastic to either exonerate MI5 of any major blame or to deflect blame onto a third party. First is the uneasy relationship between the Security Service and the British Labour Party.

For reasons to do with ideology and social class, MI5's leadership (and much of the rank and file) has had a natural (albeit unstated) preference for the Conservative Party. Relations between Labour and MI5 were particularly bad in the 1960s and 1970s, when the service suspected the Labour Party of hiding not a few subversives and secret communists in its ranks.

Andrew constructs a narrative whereby it is the leadership of the Labour Party (as opposed to MI5) which is keen to weed out "crypto-communists" from its ranks. In this respect, Andrew makes far too much of a hand-written piece of paper in 1961 (on House of Commons - ie British parliament - notepaper) from the leadership of the Labour Party to the then director-general of MI5, Sir Roger Hollis, identifying 16 Labour MPs which the leadership suspected of being secret communists.

Second, in the hunt for the so-called "Magnificent Five", namely Kim Philby, Guy Burgess, Donald Maclean, Anthony Blunt and John Cairncross, all of whom were Cambridge-educated spies who penetrated the heart of the British establishment at the behest of the KGB, Andrew is more focussed on MI5's preoccupation with the case well into the 1970s (even though the case had been effectively resolved by 1964) than critiquing the Security Service for its shoddy protective security.

Third, in the related case of the forlorn hunt for moles at the very top of MI5, Andrew appears overly keen to dismiss any notion that Hollis and his deputy, Graham Mitchell, could have been KGB agents. Although the case against Hollis has long been discredited, Andrew strays from academic objectivity in his unfavorable treatment of Hollis' main accusers, namely the disaffected former MI5 officer Peter Wright (author of the best-selling Spy Catcher), the KGB defector Anatoli Golitsyn and the then head of CIA counter-intelligence, James Jesus Angleton.

Fourth, Andrew's treatment of MI5's possible role in plots against Labour prime minister Harold Wilson is distinctly unsympathetic to the former premier. This saga remains the most potent symbol of the uneasy (and at times hostile) relationship between MI5 and the Labour Party, which prevailed until well into the 1980s. Wilson was convinced that MI5 was out to get him, so much so that in February 1974 (a day after being elected as prime minister for the second time) he told his close friend Harry Kissin (whom Andrew presents in an unfavorable light) that "there are only three people listening - you, me and MI5".

While Andrew readily admits that MI5 kept a file on the former prime minister, he falls back on the Security Service's own investigation of a possible plot to destabilize the Wilson government by "rogue" MI5 officers, to discredit this plausible scenario. Not surprisingly the internal MI5 inquiry absolved the Security Service of any blame.

Finally, Andrew's description of the most potent contemporary security threat to the UK, namely terrorism in the name of global jihad, is too loaded with historical analysis, to the extent that he can't help but inflate the threat.

While Andrew is astute enough to underline the peripheral position of global jihadis in the contemporary international system (whereas previous "fanatics" in Andrew's own words, ie the likes of Adolf Hitler and Joseph Stalin, were at the center of that system), he doesn't go nearly far enough to stress just how peripheral the jihadis are; thus he is forced into the ridiculous position of placing a mediocre player like Osama bin Laden next to giants like Hitler and Stalin.

More broadly, Andrew does not take the Security Service to task for its excesses. Whilst admitting that even MI5 regards the term "subversive" as basically undefinable, Andrew prefers to err on the side of caution and allows the Security Service to get away with it once again, this time claiming that the Security Service's view of subversion is (unlike that of the incumbent government of the day) not shaped by political outlook. Given MI5's status and role as arguably the most important and indispensable British institution, Andrew's (and by extension MI5's) assertions appear less than truthful.

Nor does Andrew expend any effort in outlining the constitutional and political consequences of MI5's operational methods, most of which are immoral and illegal and some downright criminal. The upshot is that whilst the Authorised History of MI5 is a promising start in the academic study of the British Security Service, it falls far short of a comprehensive and authoritative account of the first 100 years of this intensely consequential and controversial institution.

Defend the Realm: The Authorized History of MI5 by Christopher Andrew. Knopf (November 3, 2009). ISBN-10: 0307263630. Price US$40, 1,056 pages.

Mahan Abedin is a senior researcher in terrorism studies and a consultant to independent media in Iran.

(Copyright 2010 Asia Times Online (Holdings) Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us about sales, syndication and republishing.)


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(24 hours to 11:59pm ET, Jul 7, 2010)

 
 



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