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    Central Asia
     Jun 30, 2012


Putin skirts the bad stuff
By Robert M Cutler

MONTREAL - Positive Russian economic numbers for May, showing strong industrial production, an improving outlook and rising investment, mask underlying weaknesses - notably a weakening price of oil, whose export revenues are central to to the economy and government spending.

Industrial production was up 3.7% year on year, beating the consensus expectation of 1.7%, while the HSBC/Markit purchasing managers' index (PMI) rose to 53.2, the highest since March 2011. Investment in fixed capital for the January-March period rose 19.9% year on year, up on the 18.8% for the last quarter of 2011. Retail sales in May were up 6.8% year on year, bettering April's 6.5% increase, while May unemployment dropped to to 5.4% from the previous month's 5.8%. The sales increase

 

was due mainly to motor vehicles and parts, while the best employment sectors were finance, insurance, and real estate. Real disposable income in May grew 8.1% year on year, up from April's 4%.

At last week's St Petersburg International Economic Forum, President Vladimir Putin paid only lip service to recognizing the economy's long-term underlying problems. To some surprise, he said the state's dependence on revenue from energy was not necessarily its biggest weakness. Hydrocarbon exports account for nearly half of the federal budget, and two-thirds of all export revenue. Oil and gas have risen to represent one-fifth of all exports in 2011, creeping up from one-sixth just over a decade ago, and nearly as great a proportion of the country's gross domestic product (GDP). Meanwhile the price of oil, at around US$92, is now at its lowest since January 2011 having plunged in the past three months from above $125.

Putin, however, begged to differ. "Corruption is the biggest threat to Russia's development," he said in St Petersburg. "Here, risks are significantly more serious than even oil price fluctuations." He was not entirely wrong, even if part of his intent was only to assuage foreign industrialists with his good intentions.

According to Vladimir Makarov, head of the Russian Investigations Committee's directorate for control over the investigation of corruption-related crimes, the most corrupt organizations are law-enforcement bodies, followed by health care and social services, with education and science taking third place, as quoted by Russia's RIA Novosti news agency in the days before the summit.
Another often obscured problem that came into the open at the St Petersburg Forum was the parlous state of Russia's infrastructure. The country's top transportation officials went on record with the open secret that the country's long-neglected infrastructure is a major brake upon continuing long-term economic growth, and there is a consensus that this is due to lack of investment from the private sector.

Russia invests only about 2.5% of its gross domestic product (GDP) in infrastructure, according to Russian Railways president Vladimir Yakunin, against around 6% for the United States and many European Union countries. A KPMG report last month reveals that due to infrastructure problems, commercial goods in Russia can travel only 290 kilometers on average per day, one-fifth the average daily distance in Europe.

Between 7% and 9% of GDP is still lost due to poor roads. (In Soviet times one-third or more of harvested potatoes would regularly bounce off their trucks en route to delivery, and Russia's infrastructure still dates by and large from that period.)

According to Yakunin, government-backed private-sector infrastructure bonds are the way of the future. But Russia Profile quotes David Fass, CEO of Macquarie Group in Europe, Middle East and Africa, to the effect that "the main issue [accounting for lack of foreign investment in Russia] is horse-and-buggy regulation and the presence of legions of rent-seeking officials in the sector."
The last phrase is a euphemism for corruption, and his explanation applies as much to the infrastructure sector as to any other.

These problems were embarrassingly on display at the other end of Russia just a few days before the St Petersburg Forum opened, when the roadbed and retaining wall of a just-opened road, built to connect Vladivostok's airport with the island where Russia will host the September 2012 Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation summit, collapsed, taking with them the adjacent facilities and private garages.

Problems with corruption were whispered around, but of the $930 million construction cost, over two-thirds of which was borne by the central government, Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev only ventured that this "rich endowment" did not obviate "a construction quality [that] was quite low." So corruption and poor infrastructure are actually fraternal twins in the Russian economy awaiting the surgical intervention of foreign investors who shy away while only Putin, if anyone, can separate them.

But can he? Medvedev tried to be the anti-corruption czar when he was president, but he ran into trouble from Putin's own entourage over a series of really rather timid reforms that never even tried to toughen up the law-enforcement bodies that Makarov said are the worst affected. As the editor of Moscow News wrote in the run-up to the St Petersburg Forum, " ... if Putin was going to undertake major reforms, foreign investors will reason, it would have [already] happened."

As for oil and gas, Putin in St Petersburg made his pitch to the heads of US and European majors, promising access to Russian resources in return for access to their international assets, including capital and technology. Rosneft reached accords with Italy's Eni and Norway's Statoil at the forum, supplementing agreements signed over the past two months. Russian companies would be interested to gain access to technology in joint ventures outside Russia, much as China has sought to do regarding shale projects in the US and Canada.

Russia has promised tax incentives for offshore and hard-to-recover resources, but even this may not be enough. BP chief executive Robert Dudley, whose company is seeking a buyer for its stake in the joint venture TNK-BP due to embroilment in a dispute with some Russian "oligarchs", put on a brave face.

"The energy industry takes very big risks and needs to work with partners," he is reported to have said at the forum, "and that's not only in Russia but outside of Russia."

Foreign energy executives have good reason to question the promises of Russian riches given Shell's 2006 compelled transfer of the Sakhalin-2 project to Gazprom, Dudley's own travails that go back a number of years, and other maltreatment of foreign partners. Even as Russia seeks to decrease its budgetary and economic dependence upon energy revenue, it would still like to keep output up around 10 million barrels per day at least into the next decade. But pipelines are also infrastructure, and the devil is always in the details.

Dr Robert M Cutler (http://www.robertcutler.org), educated at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and The University of Michigan, has researched and taught at universities in the United States, Canada, France, Switzerland, and Russia. Now senior research fellow in the Institute of European, Russian and Eurasian Studies, Carleton University, Canada, he also consults privately in a variety of fields.

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