Kazakh strife
'unavoidable' By Saule
Mukhametrakhimova
Trade unions that
represent their members properly in Kazakhstan
cannot avoid entering into confrontation with the
government, as labor rights essentially count as a
political issue, a leading union leader forced
into exile says.
Esenbek Ukteshbaev,
leader of the independent Janartu (Revival) trade
union, gave an interview to IWPR on a recent visit
to London to raise awareness about workers’ rights
in Kazakhstan.
Ukteshbaev has been living
in Moscow since October 2011, when he and Janartu
deputy chairman Ainur Kurmanov left Kazakhstan
after they were threatened with arrest. In
September, they were charged with "taking the law
into their own hands" by obstructing
the eviction of a
family. One of the groups associated with Janartu
represents people struggling to keep up with
mortgage payments. Both men deny committing a
criminal offense.
Janartu operates as a
trade union federation that includes
manufacturing, public sector, mine and service
industry workers. It has failed to win official
recognition despite repeated applications for
registration. This lack of recognition complicates
attempts to hold public gatherings, which require
prior approval from local governments in
Kazakhstan.
In February, Ukteshbaev and
Kurmanov issued a statement saying they were at
risk of abduction by the Kazakh security service,
or extradition by the Russian authorities. They
said the authorities in Kazakhstan were trying to
build a case to prove they were behind the unrest
in the western town of Zhanaozen in December that
followed months of protests by sacked oil workers.
Fourteen people died when police opened fire on
protesters in the town.
Ukteshbaev began
by describing how industrial relations were a
highly politicized matter in the context of
Kazakhstan.
Esenbek
Ukteshbaev: In Kazakhstan, some
politicians accuse us of confusing trade union
activity with politics. But we believe that it's
impossible to be involved in the trade union
movement and avoid politics. ... Even demanding a
pay increase or improved working conditions
touches on politics.
Social protest groups
have turned to us. One of the movements that has
sprung up since 2007, when the financial crisis
hit Kazakhstan, is a group representing the
interests of small-scale investors who put money
into construction firms but were cheated.
The authorities must take the blame, as
they issued licenses to those businesses. We also
know that there are people who are in power,
government officials, behind companies like this -
some are direct owners, while others use front
men. That is why we demanded that the government
get involved and help resolve the conflict.
IWPR: What was
the outcome of that campaign?
EU: It took more than one
year, but after several years of protests, appeals
and negotiations, we succeeded in forcing the
government to allocate funds... and the problem
has been almost solved.
Now the government
is proclaimed that it helped them, but we know how
it actually happened. We paid a high price -
trials, fines and detention when we held protest
meetings which the authorities refused to allow.
IWPR: How large is Janartu's
membership?
EU: Our members
include local and regional-level trade unions. For
example, in eastern Kazakhstan we have Labor
Protection, a regional union led by Ivan Bulgakov.
There's the 3,000-member independent union of
medical professionals in Saryagash, southern
Kazakhstan; some of the workers building the
highway linking Europe and western China, and the
regional trade union in Aktau which is also part
of our organization. ... Additionally, there are
unions that are currently part of the [official]
Federation of Trade Unions but are waiting for
Janartu to get registration so that they can join
us.
IWPR: Kazakhstan has
various groups that criticize the authorities over
the social, political and economic situation.
There are the opposition Alga and OSDP-Azat
parties, and also civil society and rights groups
that call for democratic rights. You represent the
independent trade unions. But there is little
close cooperation among these different groups.
EU: : We have repeatedly
urged all political parties, including OSDP-Azat
and Alga, to join forces to tackle social
problems. We have often criticized them for
showing signs of life only during election
periods. We don't see much desire [to get
involved] on their part.
Maybe they don't
want conflict with the authorities. Engagement
means you get drawn into conflict with the
authorities whether you want to or not. We asked
OSDP-Azat to show support for the small investors,
but they weren't enthusiastic.
IWPR:
Yet opposition activists did express
support for the oil workers. They took part in the
campaigns for an independent inquiry into
Zhanaozen, and for fair trials. Alga party leader
Vladimir Kozlov is in detention awaiting trial.
EU: As political parties,
they just couldn't stand aside and do nothing.
There had been accusations that the opposition
didn't lend its support when those things
happening. So then they did help, and the
involvement of [OSDP-Azat co-chairman Bulat]
Abilov did lift the workers' spirits.
IWPR: A survey by the
Kazakhstan Institute for Political Solutions shows
that May 2012 saw a record number of localized
industrial protests, including the Kazakhmys
miners, the ArcelorMittal Temirtau steelworkers,
the trans-Kazakhstan highway workers, staff at
Kazakhaltyn, market traders in Almaty, and
employees of a metals plant in Taraz region. Some
people might therefore conclude that it's possible
to negotiate without resorting to street protests,
aligning oneself with political groups, or
mounting campaigns to get one's voice heard.
EU: In our country, you
won't achieve anything without making a robust
protest. The authorities only understand things in
the face of pressure; they won't listen to demands
or appeals otherwise
We've been through
that ourselves. For example, at my workplace
[railway carriage repair factory in Almaty] we
initially tried to pursue the legal route, writing
to the prosecutor's office whose job it was to
deal with wrongdoing. The workers were in a tough
position because their wages were being delayed.
No one was interested. But once we went on
strike, all the problems were resolved. It was
consolidated action that made changes happen and
produced a positive outcome for us. Robust protest
doesn't mean taking to the streets and destroying
things.
IWPR: Industrial
disputes often involve private companies, and
government officials say they don't have powers to
intervene. Don't they have a point?
EU: I'm not saying the
authorities are to blame for everything. But these
companies are operating in Kazakhstan, so the
government should get involved because the issues
affect its citizens.
It can be done within
a legal framework, for example a tripartite
commission set up to deal with an industrial
dispute. That is in fact what we tried to arrange
to reconcile the parties to the dispute in western
Kazakhstan - representing government, the company
and the oil workers. But company officials and the
security services undermined the commission's
work. There were attacks on [labor] activists ...
and attempts to pressure people or buy them off.
IWPR: What form did this
pressure take?
EU: Some
labor activists were prosecuted for illegally
holding trade union meetings, even though no one
can bar people from doing so. Recruiting new
members was also turned into a breach of the law,
although it's every trade union's right to do
this.
IWPR: Some analysts
argue that Kazakhstan's vast size, the disconnect
between different parts of the country, and the
official clampdown on dissent all make it
difficult to build a national mood for protest,
and that even the tragic events in Zhanaozen
failed to achieve this. How would you respond to
that?
EU: I think Zhanaozen
did make an impact. Since it happened, sizeable
parts of the population have changed their view of
the government. Their faith in the authorities is
dwindling.
IWPR: What about
the risk that the Kazakh authorities will try to
bring you and Kurmanov back to the country? Has
that diminished since you issued your statement in
February?
EU: Yes, it has,
because it led to an outcry. The European
Parliament made a statement, as did the British
trade unions. Members of the Duma [lower house of
Russian parliament] then intervened, and sent a
formal request to the Russian prosecutor general
and interior ministry on the matter. I believe
that stopped them.
Saule
Mukhametrakhimova is IWPR Central Asia Editor
in London.
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