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China

Status quo: Beijing, Taipei and the WTO
By Laurence Eyton

TAIPEI - While Taiwan is still trying to get over one example of what it considers to be mainland China's outrageous behavior, it now must try to ward off another Beijing-inspired slight.

Prior to the meeting last month of the World Health Assembly (WHA) in Geneva, the governing body of the World Health Organization, Taiwan thought it had a good chance this year of being able to join the WHO as an observer, a goal it has pursued for half a decade. After all, it was hit hard by severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS) and there was reason to believe that the situation had been exacerbated by Taiwan's absence from the world health body and resultant lack of access to WHO material on fighting the disease. Also it had won the support of the US Congress, which passed a bill mandating the US government to seek ways for Taiwan to enter the United Nations health organization.

Nevertheless, muscle-flexing by Beijing resulted in the assembly tossing out a request for a hearing on Taiwan's membership to be placed on its agenda. Given the scale of the panic about SARS in Taiwan, and especially in the capital, Taipei, Beijing's action was a supreme slap in the face, at which even the heads of the opposition pro-unification parties had to protest.

To add insult to the WHA injury, China also had the gall to suggest that Taiwan did not need to be in the WHO since - as a province of China - its health needs were adequately taken care of by Beijing. Since this is obviously false, it is hard to know why China tried to make such a claim. The result was to lower the temperature of Taiwanese sentiment toward Beijing to an arctic chill.

"When crying, stung in the face by a bee," the Japanese say about a double misfortune. The bee in this case is a simmering row between Taiwan and the World Trade Organization (WTO) Secretariat over Taiwan's status in the organization.

China joined the WTO in late 2001 and Taiwan shortly after, in January 2002, China under its own name and Taiwan as the "Separate Customs Territory of Taiwan, Penghu, Kinmen and Matsu". Nations' representative offices to the WTO, based in Geneva, are accorded the status of diplomatic missions. Taiwan has, therefore, for the past 18 months operated its "Permanent Mission of the Separate Customs Territory of Taiwan, Penghu, Kinmen and Matsu".

In February this year WTO head Supachai Panitchpakdi met with Taiwan's representative to the body - Yen Ching-chang, a former finance minister in Taiwan's government - to issue three demands: that the title of Taiwan's mission be changed to "office", which is the title used by Hong Kong and Macau; that members of the Taiwan mission refrain from using the customary diplomatic titles and ranks; and that Taiwan refrain from using any words in WTO-related documents such as the country's name or references to its central government that imply that Taiwan is a sovereign country.

Quite what role China played in this is obscure. Taiwanese Foreign Minister Eugene Chen insists that Supachai's demands were a direct result of pressure from Beijing, to whom, Taiwan's supporters in the US Congress allege, Supachai has been close since his stint in the 1990s as Thailand's minister of commerce.

There is, however, no smoking gun, which is just as well since the secretary general is forbidden by WTO regulations, specifically Article 6 of the Marrakech Agreement that set up the organization, to "seek or accept instructions from any government or any other authority external to the WTO", ie, acting on behalf of the political interest of a member state.

Nobody in Taiwan, even in the pro-Beijing opposition parties, is under any doubt however that China is behind Supachai's demands. Who else, they argue, is so affronted by the idea that a Taiwan representative office should enjoy diplomatic status, and has an unrelenting campaign to downgrade Taiwan's representation overseas whenever and wherever it can?

Beijing also has a track record at the WTO itself. Last November it notified Taiwan's mission of a desire to talk over exports of cold-rolled steel. In its correspondence China referred to Taiwan's mission as a an economic and trade office rather than using its official title. Taiwan promptly told the Chinese side that it had no obligation or intention to sit down for talks on anything until requested to do so in the appropriate manner, that is, using the appropriate title. China overcame its reluctance to do this so that talks could start in January. Supachai made his demands in February. Coincidence? Most officials in Taipei think not.

That there should even be a dispute over Taiwan's level of representation at the WTO is odd, since the conditions of its membership were fixed in the articles of accession approved unanimously by the other members prior to Taiwan's joining the organization. The members at that time did not, of course, include China, but membership conditions are not supposed to be something that can be changed at the instigation of new members.

Supachai based his demand, however, on a 1992 agreement by the governing body of the WTO's predecessor the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade when it was decided that "the representation of Chinese Taipei [meaning Taiwan] in GATT would be along the same lines as that of Hong Kong and Macau during the course of its status as an observer and subsequently as contracting-party delegation" and "titles carried by its representative would not have any implication on the issue of sovereignty".

The problem with this is that the 1992 statement was made by the chairman of the GATT council and "noted" by the members present, rather than officially adopted. Taiwan reads this as a statement of policy that in the end was not followed through. That it wasn't is quite clear, argues Taipei, simply from comparing the entry procedures for Taiwan with those for Hong Kong and Macau.

Both of what are now the special administrative regions of China joined the trade organization as separate tariff areas of their former colonial masters, the United Kingdom and Portugal. As such they entered the GATT under Article 26 Section 5c of that organization's charter, which basically deals with separate membership for colonies or dependencies of contracting parties that become autonomous in their commercial relations.

Both Taiwan and China, however, applied for entry to the GATT under Article 33, which is basically for applications by the governments of economically sovereign states. Taiwan argues that since it was accepted into the WTO after the same application process as a member recognized as a sovereign state, it should enjoy the same treatment and privileges as any other member, whatever the diplomatic stance of individual countries toward it.

Since February the argument has festered. Publication of this year's updated WTO internal directory was due in April, but has been delayed until the "Taiwan question" has been dealt with. At a meeting with Yen on June 16, his first since the February meeting where the five demands were made, Supachai has reportedly toned down the demand that Taiwan accept the same status as Hong Kong and Macau; now the proposed name change is from "Office of the Permanent Mission" to "Office of the Permanent Representative", the word "mission" suggesting diplomatic status that Taiwan is not supposed to have.

However, Yen has, as the time of writing, rejected this, sticking by the letter of the accession protocols. Meanwhile Taiwan is sending a delegation to Geneva consisting of Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs Michael Kau and Liu Jung-chuo, director general of the ministry's Department of Economic and Trade Affairs, to fight Taiwan's corner.
Washington insiders say the US State Department and in particular the office of US Trade Representative Robert Zoellick have let Supachai know they do not approve of the move to lower Taiwan's status. "The US supports Taiwan's full and equal membership in the WTO consistent with Taiwan's terms of accession as approved by the WTO membership," a State Department statement at the end of last month said.

The irony of this is that after both Taiwan and China had finalized their entry bids and were scheduled to join the WTO there was much talk of the trade body's providing a forum to ease tensions across the Taiwan Strait. That the two sides seldom do anything other than exchange barbs is largely a result of the fact that they cannot agree on the matter of status; China refuses to treat Taiwan as anything but a subordinate and Taiwan refuses to accept this. So the provision of an international forum with mutually agreed rules, policed - if that is the word - by peers, where the two sides could interact as equals, was expected to have a therapeutic effect on the relationship. Whether Supachai's move works or not, there now seems little hope of this.

(Copyright 2003 Asia Times Online Co, Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact content@atimes.com for information on our sales and syndication policies.)
 
Jun 24, 2003



SARS complicates cross-Strait detente
(May 27, '03)

China, US butt heads over Taiwan at WHO
(May 21, '03)

Taiwan's WTO entry hits home
(Jan 3, '02)

Taiwan, China hold first WTO bilateral talks
(Dec 17, '02)

'Downgrade' hampers China-Taiwan WTO talks
(Dec  7, '02)

Taiwan takes stock of new order
(Nov 13, '01)



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