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COMMENTARY
Why Article 23 is bad for China, too
By Iris Tsang

HONG KONG - Some Chinese living on the mainland have trouble understanding the depth of feeling in Hong Kong against a proposed national-security law (Article 23 of the Basic Law), which was put on hold after a vigorous protest by half a million people on July 1. But these mainlanders need look no farther than the case of Zhou Zhengyi in Shanghai to see what Hong Kongers fear.

Since the July 1 protests, mainlanders have been using Internet forums to express their amazement at Hong Kong people's irresponsibility for not wanting to protect their own country by way of Article 23, which would prohibit subversion against Beijing. One even suggested that Beijing should send in the People's Liberation Army to "liberate" Hong Kong and scrap the policy of "one country, two systems" immediately. Such people believe that Article 23 is really about "national security" of the fatherland. However, they fail to see that the proposed security law would violate freedom of speech and the press, which is of crucial importance to a modern country.

Freedom of expression is not only the basic right of every human being, it is also vital for the development of a country. The responsibilities of the press are to monitor the operation of government, to discover injustice done to civilians, and to try to prevent such injustice from recurring. The power of press freedom is granted to protect the interests of the whole country. A regime without any monitoring system is vulnerable to destruction by corrupt and dishonest officials, or by anyone with power in their hands.

In a country where press freedom is not protected, a national security law is bound to be misused. This truth is illustrated by the case of real-estate mogul Zhou Zhengyi, Shanghai's wealthiest tycoon.

On May 28, the Jingan District People's Court in Shanghai began hearing a lawsuit by six homeowners representing 2,159 original residents of a property on West Beijing Road. The plaintiffs claimed that the Jingan District Property Development Bureau, under the instructions of the district government, improperly allowed a company controlled by Zhou to redevelop the 43,429-square-meter property without paying a land lease with an estimated value of 300 million yuan (US$36.3 million).

But in Shanghai, China's biggest city, a plaintiff can be turned into a culprit in just one night. Zheng Enchong was the lawyer for these relocated households suing Zhou Zhengyi . Last Tuesday, the Shanghai court announced its verdict in the case: the defendant Zhou Zhengyi was not guilty. Not only that, but the lawyer Zheng has been prosecuted by the Shanghai government for "disclosing state secrets". His trial has begun.

Zhou Zhengyi, 42, one of China's richest businessmen, used to be the chairman of Hong Kong-listed Shanghai Land Holdings and Shanghai Merchants Holdings but was detained at the end of May. According to Chinese media, he was interrogated by the China Banking Commission and the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection of the Communist Party. Notably Zhou, the head of Shanghai-based Nongkai Development Group, has a close relationship with the vice chairman and chief executive of the Bank of China in Hong Kong, Liu Jinbao, who was also suddenly transferred back to Beijing at the end of May.

Yet before making any progress in suing Zhou, Zheng was out of the blue arrested by Shanghai police on June 6, allegedly for "disclosure of the state's confidential information". In mainland China, the charge of "disclosure of state secrets" can easily become a weapon for those in power to eliminate their foes.

Zheng was the lawyer of many cases in which dislocated households sued Zhou and and alleged collusion with local officials. Zheng is believed to be one of the most important witnesses with knowledge of evidence against Zhou's alleged illegal acts. A spokesperson for the Shanghai Public Security Bureau denied any linkage of Zheng's detention with investigations on Zhou, but it is apparent that Zheng was targeted because powerful people were threatened by the lawsuits he handled.

A report last Tuesday by Human Rights in China quoted an undisclosed source as saying that the People's Procurators of Shanghai early this month handed Zheng over to the court for prosecution for "theft of state secrets". Although some barristers have offered to defend Zheng, a source worries that some officials of Shanghai government have declared in private that they are determined to prevent Zheng from ever "making trouble" again. Zheng is, according to the source, doomed to be convicted and be placed under probation, in order to disbar Zheng forever in accordance with China's constitution.

As Shanghai's richest businessman, Zhou is the target of many female celebrities of the Hong Kong entertainment industry. His "affairs" are of constant interest to Hong Kong paparazzi, and have been the hot topic of entertainment headlines for some time. The tycoon, with only a primary-school education, started his business at the age of 17 and miraculously became a magnate with assets estimated at more than 10 billion yuan in just a decade. It is said that even the local people do not know how Zhou made this "miracle" real.

Zheng's arrest was widely reported by the Hong Kong media, and underscored why Hong Kong people opposed the enactment of Article 23 so emphatically. There is no clear definition of "disclosure of state secrets" in China's constitution. For that reason, the law may be easily and conveniently abused by those who have power. In Hong Kong, it is felt that there is ample evidence that so-called national-security laws have proved to be lethal weapons against innocent citizens; hence the media interest in the Zheng case.

Here we have a lawsuit that followed legal procedure strictly, yet the result is the disappearance of the plaintiffs and their lawyer being held in custody. Can anyone genuinely guarantee that a similar case would not happen in Hong Kong once Article 23 is enacted? It is not that Hong Kong people are unwilling to protect their country, but they also hold that the ability to express one's opinion freely is by no means less important. Currently, Hong Kong currently enjoys a considerable degree of this kind of freedom, but it is the greatest concern of Hong Kong people whether this freedom can last.

Ironically, it is the lack of a national security law in Hong Kong that protects the rights of these victims in Shanghai to voice their grievances against Zhou and Shanghai officials. Shen Ting is a daughter of one of the families whose homes were bought by Zhou. As Shen is a Hong Kong resident, she is able to expose their cases to the Hong Kong and international media.

The protection of the rights of the underdog, in the long run, also protects the interests of a country such as China.

(Copyright 2003 Asia Times Online Co, Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact content@atimes.com for information on our sales and syndication policies.)
 
Aug 26, 2003




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