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China's political space odyssey
By Xiao Xi

BEIJING - The planned launch of China's first manned space vehicle on Wednesday comes a day after the end of a crucial Communist Party Central Committee plenum, the first such autumn meeting not to have been preceded by a preparatory summer meeting at Beidahe. The plenum focused on last spring's battle against severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS), the measures to be adopted against a recurrence of the disease this winter, and the July 1 demonstration in Hong Kong. Hours and days were spent weighing all possible political complications. Little of what transpired in the plenum will leak outside, and almost everything will disappear in the glow of the rocket pushing the first Chinese manned mission into space.

The Shenzhou (Holy Vessel) V will fly just one man for just one orbit around the Earth, but that will suffice to break almost half a century of monopoly of space by just two countries, the United States and Russia.

Technology-wise, China will remain years if not decades behind the two leaders, but politically it is a huge leap forward. A successful launch will be a commercial boost for the Chinese aerospace industry, which hopes to get more commercial contracts for satellites. Furthermore, the launch will be strategic military statement. The technology for manned orbits is in fact the same as that of intercontinental ballistic missiles, and China will have proved it has reached a new, higher stage of precision, something that has become even more important as two neighbors, India and Japan, have started sending missiles into space.

The former has almost clinched a deal to purchase from Israel the airborne radar system Falcon, the same one the US vetoed for sale to China a couple of years back. This time the US seems to have raised no objections to India acquiring the Falcon.

Japan, for its part, is part of the US-led missile defense system, and the Chinese launch will be studied by specialists to see whether it could pierce either the national missile defense system or the theater missile defense (TMD) system. The TMD is particularly important, first because it could cover Taiwan, formally part of China but de facto independent, and second because Japan and Taiwan are certainly easy targets for China's short and medium-range missiles, whose precision will be further enhanced by the new advances of Shenzhou V.

The mission, then, is a strong political statement, and so much the stronger as Russia's presence in space is not keeping pace with its past.

However, besides commercial and strategic issues, the launch could be a symbolic turning point for the history of China. Until the beginning of the 19th century China was arguably the richest country on Earth, yet it did not wish to trade with faraway countries, and most notably it did not try to project its political power outside its immediate area.

Some three centuries earlier Admiral Zhen He set forth several missions abroad comprising large fleets and as many as 10,000 crew. These fleets were far greater than the Western flotillas, as were the individual ships compared to their European counterparts roaming the oceans in search of gold, spices and lands to conquer. Modern historians still debate what was the real purpose of Zhen He's trips. They didn't aim to conquer or to force trade with China. It seems they only aimed at projecting far and away the glory of China, and there are arguments that in trading with these countries the Heavenly Empire tried always to give more than it obtained, to affirm its strength and generosity.

Those Chinese travels were different from Western travels, which were motivated by appetite for wealth and conquest. The Chinese wanted to show off, to prove their power and make everybody see that no one could be their match and that they needed no one. Conversely, Europe with its voyages started the process of accumulation of wealth that eventually financed and led to the Industrial Revolution.

Nowadays, even in China, it is clear that if Zhen He had conquered, if he had brought home more wealth than he squandered to build his fleets, history might have been different, and perhaps today this article might have been written in Chinese and not in English.

So the question now is: Will the Shenzhou project Chinese politics abroad in a fashion Zhen He never used? And if so, how will the world react?

It is a minefield. Lack of political projection in the long term might be risky for national politics, but excess of projection and arrogance might be even worse because it would raise many suspicions.

Furthermore, the present geopolitical environment is much more complex than in the past. Besides the much vaunted globalization there are many new complications.

Today, millions of Chinese nationals live outside China and even outside the Far Eastern region. Their presence is projecting the business interests, small and large, of the motherland. They will seek their own personal gain, which might coincide with the interests of China if Beijing goes on growing economically. If it doesn't, these overseas Chinese might siphon off billions. But even if Beijing protects the interests of these businessmen, this action might cause friction with other countries concerned about their trade imbalance with China.

The combination of new geography and a new perception of history will cause further complications. China used to surround itself by what nowadays we could define as buffer states, countries linked with a variety of vassal agreements with the Chinese rulers. Formerly, Tibet and Xinjiang were a kind of buffer states, but now these lands have been absorbed into China, and on their borders there are political presences strong or wishing to be strong, including India, Pakistan and even Kazakhstan. None of these countries could ever become a buffer, a vassal state. Then what can they be, as equal relations between states are normally very difficult and China has no history of it?

With all these complexities and subtleties, estimating the success of Shenzhou's political mission will be trickier than gauging its scientific achievements.

(Copyright 2003 Asia Times Online Co, Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact content@atimes.com for information on our sales and syndication policies.)
 
Oct 15, 2003




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