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Referendum planning a travesty of democracy
By Laurence Eyton

TAIPEI - Taiwan's holding of its first national referendum on Saturday has been cast by the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), whose President Chen Shui-bian is up for re-election the same day, as a triumph for democracy in Taiwan - whatever the outcome. But there are major flaws in the referendum process and the degree to which these flaws are exploited by the opposition will be an essential indicator of the degree to which the "pan-blue alliance" of the formerly authoritarian Kuomintang (KMT) and its smaller ally, the People First Party (PFP) are really committed to democratic values. This will be all the more significant, of course, if Chen loses his election fight and the opposition pan-blues retake power.

Taiwan's passage of its Referendum Law in November brought to a close a 15-year fight to turn a constitutional provision allowing referendums into an acceptable law that spells out who can call them, when, how and in what circumstances they are to be considered valid and binding. The new law, however, did not deal with the technicalities of the voting procedure. That has been up to the administrative wisdom of the Central Election Commission (CEC), a cabinet-level body, to organize.

Hitherto the Central Election Commission has enjoyed an impressive reputation for efficiency. Taiwan vote counting is very fast - it should take only three and a half hours to count the 12 million votes cast in Saturday's presidential election - and, for a country with Taiwan's history of corrupt election practices, the CEC is impressively honest (the corruption taking place before the votes are cast).

In designing the rules for the balloting on Saturday, however, the CEC has covered itself with ignominy, reversing itself on just about every aspect of the balloting at least once - having, as one foreign journalist described it "more flip-flops than a Spanish beach holiday" - and has ended up with a procedure that has been excoriated by international experts.

Complications: Each voter gets three ballots
By running the referendum in tandem with the presidential election, the government left the CEC with the task of working out how to give each voter three ballot papers - the referendum has two questions with a separate ballot for each - and making sure they fill them in correctly and put them into the right boxes.

This proved to be no simple task, and it was severely complicated by the opposition of the pan-blues to the entire referendum process and their encouragement to local election officials to break the law by refusing to cooperate with the CEC. When the officials realized that they would face five-year jail terms if they listened to the pan-blues, their blatantly illegal initial position was modified to simply being as obstructive to the Central Election Commission as possible.

Originally the CEC wanted voters to pick up all three ballots in the same place and cast them in the same place. This, the commission said, was the only way to ensure complete ballot secrecy. What the CEC feared - and what might well come to pass - was that since the pan-blues were campaigning not against voting "yes" in the referendum but against taking part in it at all, even picking up the ballot papers - to separate voting for the president and the referendum into two distinct processes - would enable observers to see who voted for the referendum against the pan-blues' wishes and who didn't.

This matters, since in Taiwan patron-client politics has never been eradicated and there are various types of coercion used at election time. Because of the nature of the secret ballot, however, this patron-client coercion has slowly been declining in effectiveness. Company bosses will, for example order their employees to vote in a particular way and then examine their ID cards afterwards to make sure they voted. Given that the ID card records that a person voted but not of course how they voted, this was mere bluster to the disobedient employee, though undoubtedly rumors that "they" could find out what one did in the voting booth have influenced the more timid in the past.

Grumpy polling officials unlikely to help voters
The problem for the CEC was that while local election officials, most of whom are in the pan-blue camp, might have stuck strictly to the letter of the law as to how polling might take place, the novelty of the process might require help and explanation to the voters - which the disgruntled election officials might not see fit to provide, leading to confusion, miscast ballots and anger.

In effect, the Central Election Commission has, through a number of about-faces on previously announced policies, given in to the obstructionists for the sake of having the voting process go reasonably smoothly. After announcing that collection of all ballot papers would be in one place at one time and voting would be in one booth, it changed its procedure so that now voters much pick up a presidential ballot and cast it, then pick up the referendum ballots and cast those.

The CEC also originally said that miscast ballots - those put in the wrong box - would be counted. In all fairness it might be said that this was a bit of a sleight of hand on the government's part; it was, in fact, a way of maximizing the referendum vote, which by a quirk of the Referendum Law needs one half of all eligible voters to cast ballots in order for the vote to be considered valid. Both the pan-blues and legal experts, however, quickly pointed out that it was against the law to deliberately miscast one's ballot - though in fact people are hardly ever prosecuted for doing so. Nevertheless, a miscast ballot was an illegal ballot and how, they asked, could illegal ballots be counted as valid ballots?

This caused another flip-flop as the CEC reversed itself, and said that miscast ballots would not be counted.

Final ignominy: Anti-referendum propaganda okay
The final ignominy for the CEC came as a result of a part of the Presidential Election and Recall Law that prohibits people on election day from displaying campaign material for any specific candidate within 30 meters of a polling station. Yet the CEC will allow people to wear stickers and items of clothing encouraging others not to vote in the referendum into the polling stations themselves.

If this seemed blatantly contradictory, CEC chairman Huang Shih-cheng defended himself by saying that the law forbids campaign material relating to candidates but the law covering referendums has no such provision. As long as people do not try in any other way to persuade others not to vote, they may wear what they like.

What has bothered many commentators is that there is nothing to prevent anti-referendum election officials from wearing anti-referendum stickers, and many feel that this falls far from the standards of impartiality that such officials should display.

But the biggest concern is with the two-stage voting process. On KMT opposition to the referendum, Bruno Kaufmann, president of the Initiative and Referendum Institute in Europe and a leading international expert on referendums, told a news conference on Thursday: "With the current arrangement where voters need to line up separately to vote in the referendum, voters will be forced to reveal whether they support the referendum or not to others at the voting stations. This is a procedural problem that needs to be addressed."

Others are also concerned. Bo Tedards, of the Taiwan Network for Free Elections, wrote in a local paper: "The adoption of the KMT-promoted 'two-stage' voting ... significantly facilitates party and faction operatives in and around polling stations to monitor whether voters are participating in the referendum.

"Given the former prevalence of vote-buying, intimidation and other forms of pressure (by employers, for example), there is every reason to be concerned that these time-honored tactics could be brought to bear on the issue of participation in or boycott of the referendum. It is quite possible that voters, especially those who have previously experienced such pressure, may well adjust their choices as a result," Tedards wrote.

As to what actually will happen, voting day will show. But in the run up to the poll, there was significant anger toward the government on the part of referendum supporters who see the CEC as having compromised the "free and fair" nature of the referendum for the sake of placating opposition from election officials who are actually opponents of the referendum process.

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Mar 20, 2004



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