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If G8 means business, invite China to the table
By Gary LaMoshi

HONG KONG - The Group of Eight (G8) major industrial powers meets this week at Sea Island, Georgia, off the US coast under a security cloak that includes a 200-square-kilometer exclusion zone for boats. The isolated offshore setting underscores how far this summit has strayed from mainstream concerns, and how badly it needs an infusion of inclusion.

These exercises in summitry increasingly tend to be wastes of time. Nothing better encapsulates these leadership gang-bangs than the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit's annual photos of presidents and prime ministers sporting some version of the host countries' national dress. Nice sarong, Mister President.

At this G8 gathering, Iraq will be a major agenda item, following a summitry trend since the September 11, 2001, attacks of shunting aside economic issues in deference to the US obsession with its self-styled global "war on terrorism" (see APEC terrorized out of focus, October 30, 2002). Still, the G8 summit stands out as potentially useful and fruitful because of its manageable size that nevertheless includes the world's leading economic powers.

Enter, with invitation, the dragon
It's a great concept, but it won't succeed until it adds one more key economic player: China. When these summits began, the world's rich countries still feared Chinese communists might defeat them with power emanating from the barrel of a gun rather than rock-bottom labor costs. Those days are as distant as the time a Russian leader banged his shoe on a podium, promising the capitalists, "We will bury you."

The G8 expanded to include Russia less because of the former Soviet bear's economic standing than from a desire to show respect and discourage backsliding toward cantankerous militarism that might threaten the West. China deserves that same show of respect - to give it face, as the saying goes, but overwhelmingly for economic reasons. The world's most populous nation, with annual growth averaging nearly double digits for nearly two decades, is on pace to overtake Germany as the world's third-largest economy by 2010.

Right now, China rips open four of every 10 bags of cement made on Earth and clips interest coupons on more US government debt than any nation except perhaps Japan. That giant sucking sound you hear isn't US jobs going to Mexico - as Ross Perot predicted would be the outcome of the North American Free Trade Agreement - it's manufacturing jobs from everywhere landing in the Middle Kingdom.

Agenda bender
China's importance to the world economy has been writ large over the past year. Its renewed boom after the early-2003 slowdown due to severe acute respiratory syndrome helped raise the prices of raw materials fueling its industrial machine and renew the specter of inflation. Oil prices breached US$40 per barrel under that strain coupled with China's emergence as the world's third-largest car market.

Whatever economic concerns take center stage in the foreseeable future, it's a good bet that China will be a key player. Take the issue of finding jobs for the world's unemployed: manufacturers in rival countries may complain about the impact of Chinese competition. However, no nation needs to find solutions for successful worker redeployment more urgently than China. Recapitalization of the banking system, building trust in domestic capital markets, nurturing small businesses, and crafting a viable social safety are other key challenges facing China where its success or failure will have major impact on the rest of the world.

More practically, China is already the world's third-largest trading nation. For oil importers wanting to engage the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries for lower oil prices; for bridging the gap between rich and poor on global trade issues (see Trade gets a martyr, September 13, 2003); or for taking meaningful steps to ensure the safety of container shipping, China's actions can make or break the initiatives.

Slowdown, smoke scares
Perhaps the true scope of China's influence on the world economy came through most clearly when its policymakers declared their intent to throttle back soaring growth rates. Neighboring economies that depend on China buying great gobs of their exports, including Japan and South Korea, fell into desperation. That gloom, combined with possible US interest-rate hikes, cratered stock markets throughout Asia (see Manic Monday on Asian stock markets, May 12).

Sure, smoke and mirrors remain major unproductive components of the Chinese economy. The government still plays far too big a role in business. You can't trust the statistics. Contracts and the legal system remain distressingly flexible. Central government and local authorities still fight over turf, banks keep sweeping bigger piles of dud loans under rugs, and foreign money pours in and exports pour out at rigged exchange rates. Uncertainty about the real story in China, and even about Chinese authorities' true economic and other goals, makes the outlook murkier still.

Those uncertainties provide the most pressing reason for the world's other economic powers to bring China closer to the fold rather than question its credentials for the admission to their club. To paraphrase two famous Dons, Corleone and Rumsfeld, "Keep your knowns close, but your unknowns closer."

(Copyright 2004 Asia Times Online, Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact content@atimes.com for information on our sales and syndication policies.)


Jun 9, 2004



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China enters the G8 big leagues
(May 23, '03)

 


   
         
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