China power struggles: Resisting
reforms By Tian Jing and Wang
Chu
HONG KONG - Chinese themselves and China
watchers sometimes refer to it as "wrestling", but it's
just a plain old, age-old struggle for power. In this
case it's the ongoing match between reformist President
Hu Jintao along with his ally Premier Wen Jiabao vs
their intransigent rival, conservative former president
Jiang Zemin and his Shanghai Clique.
Hu and Wen
are trying to push through - and, more difficult,
implement - Communist Party reforms that ensure more
intra-party discipline, democracy, accountability,
transparency and the rule of law. They also are pressing
further economic reforms that emphasize slower rational
growth, not unbridled economic expansion that lines the
pockets of vested interests. Asia Times Online has
learned that the so-called Shanghai Clique, the forces
loyal to Jiang Zemin, now chairman of the party's
powerful Central Military Commission (China's commander
in chief), are obstructing the Communist Party reforms.
Some provincial and local officials also resist the
economic reforms, though even Jiang agrees with the need
for basic economic slowdown reforms.
The issues
are good governance, the welfare of all the people, the
rule of law and the principle that no one, not even
powerful figures in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP),
are above the law. A very tall order in a nation where
party officials are often all-powerful and reap
political and economic benefits from their party
positions and dispensation of favors, permits, tax
exemptions, and so on. Too much intra-party discipline
could really spoil the party.
And this
is likely to be played out further, and vigorously, in
about three months, when the party convenes its
16th CCP National Congress to put its stamp on further
reform and changes in the party leadership.
President Hu and Premier Wen, however, recently
won editorial support for their existing and further
reforms from the CCP's paramount mouthpiece, the
People's Daily.
In its editorial on Monday, the
People's Daily asserted that the political reform within
the party in China has now reached a critical stage that
allows no retreat at all. It cautioned that the
Communist Party, as the helmsman for the country and
reform, should consistently push through the reforms and
under no circumstance should it halt efforts to improve
its work.
Decisive party congress just three
months off As the fourth plenary session of the 16th
CCP National Congress - which will decide the future
road to reform and reshuffle the top echelon in Beijing
- is now less than 100 days off, some regard this
editorial as a challenge from the pro-reform camp of
Hu to his predecessor Jiang Zemin. Jiang is a conservative
and the commander in chief in a nation where military
rank is of great importance.
With more than 7,000
words, the editorial explains from various perspectives
why China must further pursue its reform policy in the
party and the economy, or it could easily slip into a
standstill or even the recession that some Latin
American countries experienced in the 1990s. The
editorial issues solemn warnings to those obstinate
opponents of reform that "the people should ensure
stability as a principle of overriding importance, take
into consideration the situation as a whole and
accommodate the larger interest". Coded, but clear to
those who read between the lines.
Political
pundits say the timing of this editorial - released less
than three months before the party plenum - does reflect
the divergence among Beijing's top echelon on the pace
and probably the content of reform. What is more, this
is the second time when the authorities vowed to "ensure
stability as a principle of overriding importance". The
previous time Beijing made the same appeal was in 1989
when the party remained divided on how to deal with the
pro-democratic movement led by students. In the end,
party general secretary Zhao Ziyang, sympathetic toward
those students, was kicked out of the top leadership and
kept under house arrest for more than 10 years. As a result
of a careful reading of the editorial, some believe that
internal wrestling inside Zhongnanhai, Beijing's power
center, has been recently intensified.
The
editorial
opens by vowing that reform in China has reached
a critical juncture, marked by the new income threshold
of US$1,000 gross domestic product per capita. Such
a figure shows that China's economy has entered a completely
new stage when consumption is no longer centered
on clothing or food - basic necessities, it said.
However, this new period also poses new challenges and
problems, according to the commentary, and the authorities
must handle them correctly or the economy will
in turn suffer setbacks, as demonstrated by some Latin
American countries in 1990s.
Significantly, the article acknowledges there
may be some forces opposed to the ongoing reforms: the
further the reforms are enforced, the more opposition
they will encounter, it says. All communists must
realize that they will have to adapt and make changes if
required by the situation. If timely adjustments are not
made, there will be more losses, it warns. Communists
must hold on to the party's principles, which should be
preserved and revered. If they are changed, the
communist cause will be greatly undermined.
Experts on Chinese affairs indicate
that the so-called Shanghai Clique led by Jiang
holds divergent opinions on political reforms from those
of Hu. Some of the macroeconomic control
measures introduced by Hu's ally Wen to rein in the
red-hot economy are defied by Jiang's in-group at local
government levels. Many Jiang supporters are well-off
party bureaucrats who seek to exaggerate their
achievements, cover up their faults and line their
pockets, many valuing big-scale window-dressing projects
and the number and size of new investments - instead of
rational, slower economic growth and the welfare of all
the people, not just some.
Wen's measures
will certainly compromise the vested interests of
the pro-Jiang clique. In addition, the 2003 audit report
on the performance of 55 central departments, which
was released by the National Audit Office in late June,
also found that many of Jiang's domains and areas of
influence were implicated in serious breaches of duty
and possible corruption-related offenses. Nonetheless,
none of the accused departments has ever responded to
the criticisms or as yet been held accountable.
Party discipline could
spoil the party Concerning intra-party discipline, since early
this year, the party leaders in Beijing have tried
to reinforce the rule of law, including passing
the Intra-Party Supervision Regulation (IPSR)
and Administrative License Law (ALL) - resisted, passive
aggressively, some might say - by Jiang and his
supporters, who see their political power and economic
interests threatened.
The dual ordinances have
encountered passive but determined resistance from local
governments, Asia Times Online has learned. Back in
January, Premier Wen urged the Chinese Civil Service to
embrace the fresh policies of accountability,
transparency and reporting within the party - and
economic reforms besides. Some local authorities,
however, dragged their feet and impeded the necessary
implementation, leaving some government functions on the
verge of paralysis. This especially concerns national
laws that need to be implemented on local levels and
local laws that need to be changed to accord with
national standards.
For a long time, Hu has been
looking forward to better administration of the
government at all levels. According to the official
media, "better administration" will be on the agenda for
the party congress to be held this autumn. Yet Hu's
administration is now confronted with difficulties to
strengthen the rule of law, as exemplified by the
problems in implementing the IPSR and the ALL.
Taking effect from July 1, ALL normalizes the
scope and the principles of granting administrative
approval. Yet local authorities suggest that some
existing bylaws will have to be annulled pursuant to the
ALL, and therefore a legislative vacuum is likely. For
instance, the qualification needed for a kindergarten
headmaster used to be granted by local bureaus of
education, but now the occupation no longer demands
license from the government according to ALL. So how to
ensure the qualification of a kindergarten headmaster
will be a genuine problem.
For
another, the Guangzhou municipal government issued
a standard regulating the exhaust-pollutant emissions of
small autos, which came into effect July 1. It too has
been abolished by the ALL. As early as January, Wen urged
all local governments to speed up amending the
relevant bylaws, but the Guangzhou government has not
yet completed its revision of the anti-pollution
regulation to fill in void left by the abolished exhaust-emission
law.
Big potential for big
resistance Premier Wen voiced his staunch support
of the Administrative License Law at an ALL
reinforcement work conference on January 6. ALL is an
important umbrella regulation to regularize governmental
activities, and strict implementation of ALL is a major
responsibility of governments in order to rationalize
government functions, he said. The conference was also
attended by high-ranking officials, including four vice
premiers. The grand lineup did not only display
Beijing's resolution to carry out the new law - but also
the great potential for resistance in practice.
As for Intra-Party Supervision Regulation - one
that really worries some party officials - some experts
who participated in discussion and drafting believe some
local authorities have incomplete or mistaken knowledge
of the regulation. China's official Outlook Weekly cites
Professor Ye Duchu as saying some local governments have
not grasped the essence of the supervision regulation,
while some others misunderstand it. For instance, Clause
16 of IPSR says that CCP committees and discipline
inspection committees at all levels should report
related policies and the situation to the party congress
at the same level during its adjournment. Some follow
the rule, but some do not, considering that they are not
standing committees. The idea of reporting to others,
accountability, is not ingrained in many party
officials.
Ye explains that the 16th
CCP representatives are not permanent, but they
should debrief on all important reports. The IPSR does not
hold the standing-committee system as the precondition for
making reports to representatives, and reporting to
representatives is necessary and crucial to keep in
touch with the party and people at all levels, he said.
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