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The Chinese puzzle: Jiang's retirement
By Zhu Zhan

HONG KONG - When the curtain rose on the decisive party plenum of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) on Thursday, startling reports surfaced in Beijing's political circles that the current commander-in-chief and former president Jiang Zemin would propose his resignation as military leader. While the reports have not been confirmed, many political observers see the possible resignation as Jiang's tactic to dispel the mounting pressure on him to yield power. He might step down but still be China's "Phantom Regent".

It is believed that such a decision could please some party chieftains who are unhappy to see Jiang as the supreme military leader for a prolonged period; on the other hand, a decision to step down would strengthen Jiang's hand and bargaining position as he seeks to install his confidants and proteges in the administration. As the positions of some military heavyweights remain unclear, the ball seems to be in the court of President Hu Jintao, who is supposed to control the armed forces concurrently - it is one of the Middle Kingdom's old traditions that state and military leadership go hand in hand. Jiang is chairman of the party's powerful Central Military Commission (CMC).

Reuters and Taiwan's United Daily News reported this week that Jiang had proposed to hand in his notice of resignation, tallying with an earlier dispatch from the New York Times. In addition, members of the CMC reportedly are to be increased from four to seven, with three entries from the navy, the air force and the No 2 Artillery.

Coincidence or not, early this month Beijing staged a high-profile celebration of the 60th anniversary of the death of "martyred" anti-Japanese hero Peng Xuefeng. Jiang even inscribed the name of the book Biography of Peng Xuepeng. In fact, Peng Xuefeng's son, Peng Xiaofeng, is now commissar of the No 2 Artillery, a high-ranking position in Chinese military system. He and Liu Yazhong, vice commissar of the air force, are both considered under the patronage of Jiang. Obviously, Jiang has been actively preparing to extend his authority within the military, if he is forced out of power some day.

One informed source, speaking on condition of anonymity, told Asia Times Online that Jiang, now 78, had promised in 2002 to steer the CMC for only two years. Now, time is up. Party veterans who had been edged out of the top echelon by Jiang, including former chairman of National People's Congress Qiao Shi and former chairman of Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference Li Ruihuan, have long been murmuring their discontent about the "Phantom Regent" and cannot wait to see him out. During the CCP's massive commemorations for the centennial anniversary of the birth of late paramount leader Deng Xiaoping, Deng's virtue of early retirement from the throne and his hands-off manner had been hyped by the state-run media. Political commentators aver that all these developments and displays put considerable pressure on Jiang Zemin.

Jiang's proposed retirement could also be interpreted as his scheme of "one step backward and two steps forward". In return for his resignation, he can still project his influence by installing confidants in the expanded Central Military Commission, negotiate for his appointment of a vice chairman in the CMC, and even reserve the right to name Hu Jintao's successor as CMC chairman. This is a common political trade-off practice in Chinese political arena.

At the moment, most military heavyweights have yet to declare their stance on the matter. However, some pro-Jiang generals rushed to pledge support for their boss. Guo Boxiong, Jiang's deputy in the CMC, stressed that the armed forces should follow Jiang's orders under any circumstance. Another CMC member, Xu Caihou, reiterated on a few occasions the significance of the so-called "Three Represents" theory developed by Jiang that has already been added to China's constitution. The theory reads "The party must always represent the requirements of the development of China's advanced productive forces, the orientation of the development of China's advanced culture, and the fundamental interests of the overwhelming majority of the people in China".

Predictably, China's state president and CCP chairman Hu Jintao might be quite cautious in responding to Jiang's proposal. In retrospect, former party chief Hu Yaobang was kicked out of Zhongnanhai (the compound of China's leaders) by Deng Xiaoping, partly because of his remarks endorsing Deng's pledges to withdraw completely from the political arena. It is reported that President Hu declined Jiang's resignation two years ago, so how he will react this time around remains a focus of the world's attention.

It is generally believed that it will take some time for Hu to operate against the backdrop of Jiang's legacies and popularity in the military. As recently as June, Jiang promoted 15 military officers to full general - mostly from the pro-Jiang camp, including his top bodyguard You Xigui, who now is director of the Central Guard Bureau. In China, an officer in You's position is seldom promoted to such a military rank, and most observers say that Jiang is trying to maximize his power in the armed forces. Moreover, his "Three Represents" theory, now enshrined in the Chinese constitution, can play a part in his efforts to broaden his influence.

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Sep 18, 2004



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