Hu holds
the scepter - and now the sword
By Wang Yijiang
HONG KONG - Hu Jintao, now officially China's commander-in-chief, takes over a
powerful and just expanded Central Military Commission (CMC) that is weighted
with his supporters, though he still needs to cultivate the military that had
been devoted to his predecessor, Jiang Zemin. Hu already is chairman of the
Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the nation's president. With Jiang's
resignation and Hu's ascent to chairman of the Communist Party's CMC over the
weekend, Hu has in effect won the triple crown of Chinese communist power.
This comes at a time when China has been upgrading its military modernization
and preparedness, especially in view of tensions across the Taiwan Strait. Hu,
considered a moderate reformer, is expected to continue the trend toward making
the 2.5-million-member People's Liberation Army (PLA) a more efficient,
better-armed and technologically savvy fighting force. His predecessor Jiang
was known for his hardline military stance, particularly with regard to using
force if necessary to subdue Taiwan, which Beijing considers a renegade
province.
The CMC now totals 11, including chairman Hu, formerly a vice chairman. The
latest official list of CMC commissioners consists of Liang Guanglie, Li
Jinai, Liao Xilong, Chen Bingde, Qiao Qingchen, Zhang Dingfa and Jing Zhiyuan;
the commission's three vice presidents are Guo Boxiong, Cao Gangchuan and Xu
Caihou.
The CMC was enlarged from eight, including Jiang Zemin, to 11. The old CMC was
composed of chairman Jiang, vice chairmen Hu, Guo and Cao, and members Liang,
Li, Liao and Xu Caihou.
In the expanded CMC, of the 10 (not counting Hu), at least five fall squarely
into the pro-Hu camp: Liang; Cao, who pledged unwavering support for Hu in
August; Cao's veteran subordinate Li Jinai; Li's colleague in the No 2
Artillery Force, Jing Zhiyuan; and Hu's old associate and air force commander
Qiao Qingchen. That means the pro-Hu faction can now claim to dominate the
11-member commission with at least five solid supporters of the new chairman.
An important new member is Chen Bingde, former chief of the Nanjing Military
Command, a crucial region in Beijing's military strategy against Taiwan.
In Chinese politics, the order of appearance on the official name list is very
significant, since it reveals one's perceived future position and influence.
Liang Guanglie ranks fifth on the list and is expected to keep his title, chief
of the general staff headquarters, while the No 8-ranked Li Jinai will take
over from Xu Caihou as director of the general political department of the
armed forces.
Political observers see the new arrangement as another victory for
reform-leaning President Hu. Xu Caihou, a confidant of Jiang Zemin, has been
promoted to CMC vice president. Some say this is not much of a promotion for
Xu, since he had been the boss of the CCP's Secretariat of the Central
Committee, a position ranking him higher than other CMC commissioners. But now,
Xu has to give up control of the general political department, as the price for
becoming vice president of the CMC.
In the run-up to the CCP plenum, when the changes were decided, the PLA
Daily, a major military newspaper run by the general political department, was
filled with overwhelmingly pro-Jiang rhetoric. China experts, however, believe
that without Xu's dominance of the political department, such rhetoric will be
stilled, or largely muted.
Li Jinai, 62 - who ascended to director of the general armament department two
years ago thanks to the sitting defense minister Cao Gangchuan - was elevated
by two ranks in the latest adjustment, surpassing the rival camps' Liao Xilong
in the appearance order.
Qiao Qingchen, commander of the Air Force, was previously in charge of defense
affairs in Gansu province, one of Hu Jintao's domains in the 1980s. Qiao's
ally, Jing Zhiyuan, now a lieutenant-general, is widely regarded as a rising
star among the younger generation generals. In January 2003 Jing, who shares a
similar background with Cao Gangchuan and Li Jinai, was elevated to commander
of No 2 Artillery Force.
These adjustments to the CMC are considered the realization of Hu's pledge in a
political study session of the Central Politburo in late July when he stressed
the need to further national-defense development and reassured all commanders
that China's land, sea and air forces play a vital role within the CMC.
The new lineup of the expanded CMC also reflects a trend of combat readiness in
Zhongnanhai, China's power center in Beijing. Without a doubt, the greatest
military tension, threat of war or military conflict comes from the the
increasing tension between Beijing and Taipei. Chen Bingde, a newcomer to the
CMC, is a former chief of the Nanjing Military Command, a crucial
region in Beijing's military strategy against Taiwan. His extensive experience
in Nanjing is definitely a welcome advantage for Beijing in dealing with its
so-called breakaway province, Taiwan.
Besides Chen Bingde, Hu Jintao gets another ace: commander of the Beijing
Military Command Zhu Qi, who enjoys a close relationship with the president,
though he is still not senior enough to join the CMC. When Hu Jintao was the
provincial party chief in the country's far-flung regions of Guizhou and Tibet
during the 1980s and early 1990s, Zhu was a senior general in Chengdu Military
Command, overseeing defense affairs in those two provinces. During Hu's
administration of Tibet, Zhu even helped him quell the riots in Tibet ignited
by local lamas.
All in all, Hu Jintao seems to have got the armed forces under his thumb,
facilitating the implementation of his policies and giving him a larger say in
China's policies toward Taiwan.
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