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China

Socialism, back in the USSR
By Wang Chu

HONG KONG - As China prepares to welcome Russian President Vladimir Putin for a three-day visit starting on Thursday, beneath the surface a debate is simmering about a long-forbidden topic: what really caused the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991.

Was it the result of peaceful evolution following the introduction of ideas of Western democracy, human rights and other alluring but superficial artifacts of Western culture? Or, was it, finally, the lack of faith in socialism? That latter possibility flies in the face of the accepted Chinese line, and holds serious implications for Chinese socialism in a nation undergoing breathtaking economic and social changes. But it is being discussed, albeit by a few people, and very quietly at this stage.

Over the past few years, Chinese scholars have begun to re-examine the cause of the collapse of the former superpower Soviet Union and the Eastern European bloc from an independent and academic perspective. Their conclusions do not necessarily coincide with the established version published in the Chinese Communist Party's propaganda leaflets. These intrepid Chinese scholars may have set foot in one of the biggest forbidden political zones.

According to well-placed sources, some Chinese academics now embrace the opinions of two American researchers who argue that the breakdown of the Soviet Union resulted from the emergence of various interest groups within the establishment, groups that had lost their faith in socialism. This contrasts with the generally accepted official position that the collapse of the Soviet Union was brought about by a so-called "peaceful evolution" by Western powers. It has been learned that some communist officials share the view that loss of faith in socialism is what ultimately brought down the Soviet state.

Economics Professor David M Kotz and journalist Fred Weir conducted thorough research on the elites in the Soviet Union's ruling class from 1991-96, documented in their book Revolution from Above - The Demise of the Soviet System (Routledge 1997). They found that long before the Soviet Union's fall, people in power had only a weak belief in socialism, and fewer than 10% of those interviewed were classified as socialists. In sharp contrast, some authoritative Soviet polls at that time showed that the majority of the people at the grassroots still believed in the socialist system.

With a large number of case studies, the two analysts asserted that some elements within the top echelon had already turned into capitalists as early as 1987, accelerating the country's disintegration in 1989. (The collapse of the Soviet Union was formalized on December 26, 1991, when the Supreme Soviet officially dissolved the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.) And today some say that China is already largely capitalist.

Simply put, Soviet-bloc communism devoured itself. Both the former Soviet Union and the Eastern European bloc got rid of communism for good when the ruling communist parties in the respective countries stepped down without foreign intervention or mass popular uprising.

However, political commentators within China warn that discussion of this issue in China is unlikely to go deeper or become wider at this time, since it diverges greatly from Beijing's official account. Beijing has long maintaining that it was the so-called "peaceful evolution" - the injection of Western ideologies such as human rights and democracy into the communist masses - that eventually eroded the minds of the Soviet people, who finally gave up socialism.

"Guarding against peaceful evolution" has always been an essential argument supporting Beijing's resolute handling of the June 1989 pro-democracy movement, the bloody crackdown on peaceful demonstrators in Tiananmen Square in Beijing. If the conclusion drawn by the two American experts is confirmed and publicized, Beijing's propaganda about its so-called resolute halting of the subversive and pernicious movement in the interests of national peace and stability will be weakened.

In addition, such a new conclusion - people's lack of faith in socialism - would further invalidate Beijing's crackdown on a student-led pro-democracy movement in 1987, when slogans vowing to fight corruption were denounced by the authorities as threats to social stability. Such new conclusions would also lead to much reassessing and fault-finding in some decisions of the late supreme leader Deng Xiaoping, who forced his political rivals, two former party secretaries - Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang - to bow out of the political arena, on the grounds that they were too feeble in handling rising dissenting voices.

As with these above-mentioned issues, the question of whether Deng made serious mistakes in handling the peaceful pro-democracy movements is also regarded a hot-button issue, since the current leadership still needs to increase its authority and legitimacy by vowing to follow Deng's course.

Currently, party chief, state president and military commander Hu Jintao stands at a critical juncture, an intersection of history. Wether the moderate reformist will become Mikhail Gorbachev II, as some observers predict, remains to be seen. Gorbachev, some say, sowed the seeds of a new Soviet Union, ultimately the seeds of its destruction, by calling for limited reform - glasnost (openness, transparency) and perestroika (restructuring), but he didn't gauge popular sentiment, he still sought to improve the socialist system. Thus it was Boris Yeltsin who actually presided over the collapse of the USSR.

On the other hand, the reunification of East and West Germany - resulting from the collapse of communist East Germany - is also a sensitive issue because it reminds Beijing of the thorny issue of Taiwan. In the eyes of Beijing, Taiwan is a renegade province, but for many Taiwanese it is a de facto independent, self-governing state with a Taiwanese identity, quite separate from the mainland.

The latest issue of the influential magazine Sanlian Life Weekly (Sanlian Shenghuo Zhoukan) carries a feature on the 15th anniversary of the reunification of East and West Germany. The report reveals that many Germans now complain about the hastened reunification, to which many attribute high unemployment and a deteriorating social order. The magazine covers domestic and world news, carrying in-depth articles and describes itself as a kind of Chinese equivalent of Time magazine. Although its circulation is only about 200,000 copies, it is popular and attracts considerable advertising.

In its October 4 edition, it said, "Despite East German leaders having said the Berlin Wall was built in order to resist invasion of the Western powers, its greatest function, in reality, was to stop people from East Germany escaping to West Germany." Although this notion has been widely recognized, it is still a very new statement to appear in the media of a socialist country.

Political experts caution that the German experience could send a warning message to Beijing that an inappropriately implemented reunification with Taiwan is not necessarily better than the maintenance of the status quo.

Not long before he finally resigned as commander-in-chief, former president Jiang Zemin stressed that "the Taiwan issue could not be indefinitely protracted" and some academics even proclaimed that indefinitely protracting the issue in effect means agreeing with Taiwan's independence. But a recent meeting in Beijing on Taiwan affairs held after the party plenum reportedly fine-tuned Taiwan policies, and set out to avoid radical and divisive wording in official documents.

The German reunification experience brings to mind Hong Kong, which also has been plagued by a weak economy and high unemployment since its handover to Beijing in 1997. Hong Kong is even assailed by Taiwanese President Chen Shui-bian as a failure of Beijing's so-called "one country, two systems" policy, which is often used by Beijing to lure Taiwan back into the embrace of the motherland. To a larger extent, whether Taiwan will turn toward Beijing depends on whether Beijing can find a way to win the hearts and minds of people in Hong Kong.

Nonetheless, it is natural that even a leader as great as Deng Xiaoping sometimes failed to see the truth hidden in some issues, or made fatal decisions. To err is human. If the current Chinese leadership can endeavor to extract the truth from partisan thinking and rhetoric, and to renew its understanding of key issues like the collapse of the Soviet Union, it will be taking a great and a positive leap forward.

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Oct 14, 2004
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