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SINOROVING Guangdong, the
unstoppable 'world's
factory' By Pepe Escobar
PART 1: The Great Wall of
shopping PART 2: Selling China to the
world PART 3: The hottest label: China
chic PART 4: Tiananmen's peasant time
bomb
GUANGZHOU and DONGGUAN,
China - In slightly over 10 years Guangdong
province, China's "factory of the world", will
achieve "modernization", according to a report by
Niu Wenyuan of the Chinese Academy of Sciences.
The report defines "modernization" as a level of
economic development, social progress, living
standards and sustainable development similar to
that of a "medium-level developed country". This
roughly means that even without the help of a
European Union-like structure, Guangdong by 2016
is set to become a Chinese Spain or Ireland.
This is the Beijing view. The Guangdong
provincial government is even bolder: it wants
modernization as early as 2010 for the Pearl River
Delta - the jewel in the crown of the factory of
the world. And for the booming city of Shenzhen,
the year is now, 2005.
In 2001, former
Guangdong governor Lu Ruihua was already boasting
that the province’s economy was larger than that
of Singapore, South Africa or Greece. Guangdong is
indeed a powerhouse compared with the larger ASEAN
(Association of Southeast Asian Nations) countries
and the four original Asian tigers. In a 2001
table compiled by the South China Morning Post,
Guangdong's economy was already 53% larger than
that of the the Philippines and 270% larger than
that of Vietnam. The forecast was that it could
surpass Thailand, Indonesia and Hong Kong by 2010.
According to Joseph Cheng, professor of
political science at the City University of Hong
Kong, a specialist in Guangdong and editor of the
recent book Guangdong: Preparing for the WTO
Challenge (Chinese University Press, 370
pages, 2003), "If the average annual growth rate
can be maintained at 10.3% ... and taking
population growth into consideration ... per
capita gross domestic product in the region will
reach US$7,000 by 2010." Guangdong’s GDP went up
the usual staggering 14.8% in 2004 to reach more
than $160 billion. It may reach $240 billion or
more by 2006. Everything seems to be on track.
Spain and Ireland, watch out.
The
calculus of nine-plus-two The myth of
China as the world’s biggest market disguises the
fact that it's really a cluster of small markets.
Historically, each Chinese city has always been
self-sufficient. The Maoist model, the commune,
was not that different. When the model was
transplanted to the city, the result was the
state-owned enterprise (SOE). Maoist cities were
aggregations of industrial communes. In terms of
economic production, Maoist cities were like
mini-countries. Deng Xiaoping's reforms changed
all that. Its consequences - a web of good
airports, roads and railways, more efficient
production, the rise of Chinese domestic brands -
spelled the end of the mini-country syndrome.
The next inevitable step is integration.
In July 2003, Guangdong Communist Party secretary
Zhang Dejiang proposed the creation of a Pan-Pearl
River Delta, or nine-plus-two, plan, expanding and
decentralizing trade and investment by linking
nine provinces (Guangdong, Fujian, Jiangxi, Hunan,
Guangxi, Hainan, Guizhou, Yunnan and Sichuan) with
the two special administrative regions (SARs),
Hong Kong and Macau. So nine plus two, if
implemented, will mean no trade or tariff
barriers, and totally free movement of labor. In a
nutshell, a powerful "mini-China" - 20% of the
land mass, 450 million people (more or less like
the 25-member European Union), and a GDP of $630
billion, representing at least 40% of China's
economy.
But can it possibly work? As far
as the party commandments are concerned, the
timing could not be better: for the fourth
generation under President Hu Jintao and and his
reformist ally, Premier Wen Jiabao, the No 1
priority is the development of China's domestic
market.
But competition will be fierce.
Guangdong and the Pearl River Delta are locked in
a battle for investment with Shanghai and the
Yangtze River Delta, which sells itself as having
better access to China's huge domestic market.
While exports from the Pearl River Delta are
doubling, those from the Yangtze are quadrupling.
Shanghai already gets more foreign investment and
is leading China in technology and heavy industry.
But Guangdong is also moving up. The middle class
in a province of almost 90 million numbers more
than 20 million. Guangzhou is becoming China's
"Japanese Detroit", hosting Honda and Toyota, and
is promoting heavy and chemical industry. The
Beijing view is that the Pearl River Delta should
position itself as the prime processing center for
the "factory of the world".
The special
economic zones (SEZs) Shenzhen and Zhuhai were
also created by a party commandment - in their
cases by Deng Xiaoping himself. In the current
climate of tremendous competition among Chinese
provinces, towns and even local districts, the
Communist Party Politburo is certain to convince
them of at least not competing too much. As for
the Pearl River Delta, Premier Wen's recent visit
to Shenzhen reinforced the message: Guangdong
should "aim for sustainable development" and
Shenzhen "should work closely with Hong Kong in
economic, science and technology and cultural
areas".
Shenzhen, according to Professor
Cheng of the City University of Hong Kong, aims to
become the model Chinese information-technology
(IT) city. "In 2005, for every 100 people, there
will be 85 mobile phones; cable TV will reach over
95% of the city’s population; over 50% of its
residents will have access to digital TV; for
every 100 households there will be over 80
computers; for every 10,000 people there will be
4,600 subscribers to the Internet; over 50% of
schools will have broadband connection and will
use multimedia facilities; e-commerce will amount
to 5 billion yuan [$609 million] a year; over 50%
of enterprises will have home pages; 50% of the
city government's public services will offer
electronic service delivery ... the Shenzhen
authorities hope that by 2005 they will have
completed an advanced education network platform
covering all courses offered by Shenzhen's
educational institutions."
Contradicting a
recent report by the Guangdong Academy of Social
Sciences that warned that the province may even be
losing out to Fujian, Liu Pinan, the director of
the Academy's Institute of Macroeconomic Studies,
says that Guangdong is not dependent of foreign
investment anymore and is now driven by domestic
companies. According to the academy, only 20% of
Guangdong’s GDP comes from foreign-owned companies
- with 90% of the export-led production
concentrated on the Pearl River Delta. Liu insists
that both the Pearl River Delta and the Yangtze
River Delta have their own comparative advantages.
The Taiwan factor A previous
report by the Guangdong Academy of Social Sciences
already stated that the future for Guangdong is
integration - not only with Hong Kong and Macau
but also with Taiwan. From Hong Kong's point of
view - with its wealth of capital, management and
sophisticated financial services - the Pan-Pearl
River Delta will be essential for thousands of
small and medium Hong Kong producers who cannot
export in enormous quantities and thus must
concentrate on the Chinese hinterland, with its
masses of cheap labor and plentitude of natural
resources. Yunnan province, for instance, has tin,
Guizhou province coal, and Guangxi province has
aluminum, tin and manganese.
Hong Kong is
the biggest foreign investor in China, followed by
the Virgin Islands (because of their
fiscal-paradise status), Japan, South Korea, the
United States and Taiwan. But most of the real
investment, as it is widely acknowledged in Hong
Kong, comes in fact from Taiwan. Taiwan built
China as the second-largest producer of IT
hardware in the world, only behind the US, as well
as the world’s biggest exporter to the US. More
than 60% of these "made in China" exports are in
fact made by Taiwan companies.
Dongguan,
with its sea of factories, is practically a
mainland extension of Taiwan, and conveniently
close to Hong Kong, which means direct flights to
Taipei. The investments started in the early
1990s, mainly in low-tech industries, and
profiting from cheap labor. Now most of it is in
high tech - but, in a worrying trend for
Guangdong, moving north toward the competition,
the Yangtze River Delta. More than 70,000
Taiwanese companies are established in China - a
very potent reason to deter any cross-strait
turbulence.
Taiwanese investors
established in Guangdong and dependent on cheap
labor are moving inland or to Vietnam, while no
fewer than 300,000 Taiwanese - and counting - live
in the Greater Shanghai area, with some tracts
replicating Taiwan's high-tech industrial zones.
Already more than 30% of China's exports are
electronic and IT products. But Taiwanese
investors are interested in targeting not only
exports but the new, affluent Chinese consumer. An
extra incentive is the 2010 free-trade area
between China and ASEAN - which will be the
largest in the world.
The right
guanxi Guangdong’s development has
been nothing short of exceptional, considering
that Mao Zedong relegated the province to the
dustbin of history and it was only opened in the
early 1980s, finally profiting from its status as
China's southern gate, close to Hong Kong and the
overseas Chinese. The Pearl River Delta undertook
not only a revolution in agriculture but an
industrial revolution as well, fueled by joint
ventures with "foreign" (Hong Kong and Taiwanese)
capital. The poor parts of Guangdong migrated to
the Pearl River Delta as well as workers from
Hunan, Sichuan, Jiangxi and Guangxi. According to
Cheng, the political-science professor, "in
Dongguan the indigenous population of 1.5 million
is only a fraction of the total population ...
which is now estimated at close to 7 million". He
sums it all up: "The important question in the
coming decades is both the relationship that
Guangdong will have to its hinterland ... and the
relationship that Guangdong's economic core (the
Pearl River Delta including Hong Kong, Macau and
the SEZs) will have to the province, and to the
world beyond."
Both Cheng in Hong Kong and
a number of businessmen and media professionals in
Guangzhou put things in perspective. The future of
Guangdong's interests is bright inasmuch as the
province's former Communist Party secretary, Zhang
Dejiang, is now a regular member of the 16th
Politburo. The first two generations in the
province were township leaders, with strong local
roots, respected by the party hierarchy because
they did a good job as far as economic development
was concerned: they are resident party elders Ye
Xuan Ping and Ren Zhong Yi, the first-generation
leader who opened up Guangdong. But they are not
close to Beijing, and are not interested in
further promotions.
Corruption was very
much a part of the breakneck development of
Guangdong: if you had the right guanxi to
the party secretary, you'd be rich. The provincial
party secretary before Zhang was Li Changchun, a
protege of Jiang Zemin who today is a powerful
member of the nine-member Politburo Standing
Committee. According to the inestimable
Disidai ("The Fourth Generation"), the book
published by Zong Hairen (a pseudonym) in late
2002, Jiang Zemin sent Li to take over the
province from a group of local leaders known as
the "Guangdong gang" (curiously, Jiang was the
leader of what was formerly known as the "Shanghai
mafia"). In political terms, Li put the house in
order: Jiang had no hope of controlling the unruly
province until Li turned it into one of Jiang's
favorites. Jiang launched his Three Represents
doctrine in Guangdong in 2000: this is the
doctrine that preaches a more bourgeois,
middle-class, consumer-driven Communist Party.
Li Changchun is not the current Chinese
premier in great part due to a Guangdong-related
scandal. Huang Li Man, a woman secretary of Jiang
Zemin, was promoted to party secretary in
Shenzhen, where her family had a lot of business
interests, thanks to Li. Beijing party elders
didn't like it one bit. Li anyway is described by
Disidai as being much more competent than
President Hu Jintao: his only rival in terms of
understanding China's Cheng in Hong Kong considers
the nine-plus-two plan "a think-tank idea". He
adds that "Hong Kong businessmen don't think in
such a grandiose manner". But the idea is a
natural one considering the competition from the
Yangtze Delta and the necessity for Guangdong to
cultivate a big hinterland to enlarge its economic
base. Besides, good relationships with neighboring
provinces have been going on for more than a
decade (for instance, Guangdong buys electricity
from Guangxi province).
Guangdong realized
its limitations by the second half of the 1990s -
with Jiang Zemin and the "Shanghai mafia" heavily
privileging the Yangtze River Delta. In order to
upgrade, Guangdong party officials realized that
links only to Hong Kong were not enough, so by the
end of the 1990s a group of advisers and
businessmen started thinking more boldly. Hong
Kong and Guangzhou now agree that Guangdong needs
to capture the domestic market and invest all over
China. With the strategic support of Li Changchun
and Zhan Dejiang in Beijing, "mini-China" may be
unstoppable.
(Copyright 2005 Asia Times
Online Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us
for information on sales, syndication and republishing.) |
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