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SPEAKING
FREELY Revaluation:
A dangerous distraction? By
Sheetal K Chand
Speaking Freely is
an Asia Times Online feature that allows guest
writers to have their say. Please click here
if you are interested in
contributing.
Washington's
pressure on China to revalue its currency is
strongly supported by countries such as those in
the European Union whose currencies are
appreciating relative to the US dollar. This is
understandable, but is it appropriate? Or is the
furor over the yuan simply a distraction that is
diverting attention from fundamental flaws with
the present dollar-based international monetary
system - the biggest flaw being that such a system
enables the dollar-issuing country to postpone
adjustment?
The nostrum from Washington is
unequivocal: the yuan should be market-determined,
which will enable it to find its true competitive
value at a presumably more appreciated level. But
what do we mean by market determination? Has the
euro, for instance, found its true competitive
value?
Exchange rates are unlike ordinary
commodity prices. An exchange rate is the price at
which one money exchanges for another, and thus
has a forward-looking, asset related dimension. If
people want to hold more of the currency because
they expect it to gain in value, or they wish to
acquire more assets denominated in that currency,
they will drive up its market value, irrespective
of the level needed to clear purely trade-related
demands for foreign currency. This results in a
fundamental conflict between the requirements of
production and trade, and asset holding
considerations. This tension is masked when the
exchange rate is fixed, with occasional open
eruptions. However, floating the exchange rate
does not resolve the inherent tension. It simply
gives way to the more dominant asset-side
influences.
One just has to view the
widespread gyrations in the dollar exchange rates
of many important currencies to find that they
bear no relation to underlying production cost
movements. For example, the appreciation of the
euro of some 60% vis-a-vis the dollar over the
past few years can in no way be justified by
divergent productivity trends. If anything, the
greater productivity improvements in the US should
have moved exchange rates in the opposite
direction.
Emerging economies can ill
afford such wild gyrations of their exchange rates
while they are trying to develop their productive
sectors. They lack the hedging capabilities of
mature industrial economies, whose firms are able
to mix the currency composition of their
production and financing activities so as to
minimize the effects of exchange rate movements. A
stable exchange rate environment is more conducive
to economic development, but how can this be
feasible if the asset side, especially involving
volatile capital movements, is unregulated as in a
free market?
But even if the yuan is not
floated, should it not be revalued? Would this not
ease the burden on other countries of the
allegedly supercompetitive yuan? The answer to
this question depends on how effective exchange
rate realignments are in bringing about a
redistribution of trade. One merely has to look at
the bilateral trade balance between Japan and the
US, which remains massively in favor of the
former, despite a sustained secular appreciation
of the yen.
Many studies demonstrate that
the textbook paradigm of a revaluation changing
the production and consumption mix does not hold.
Market segmentation and pricing to market is
widespread. Multinationals frequently account for
a large part of trade flows, and organize supply
chains to maximize their strategic advantage. A
multinational that supplies a department store
chain in the US with utensils, say, is unlikely to
shift production from China to the US just because
the yuan has appreciated even by a large amount.
It would most likely absorb any reduction in
profits that ensues. These will in any case have
been cushioned through a reconfiguration of
production and exploitation of the scope for cost
savings on dollar-denominated imports such as raw
materials. The revaluation of the yuan serves
merely to increase profits of firms engaged in
competing lines of production in the US and the
EU, who will now find it easier to raise prices.
This will, of course, be at the expense of their
consumers.
The huge trade surplus that
China has with the US may not be as problematic as
it appears when sitting in Washington, since China
has large deficits with many other countries.
China has been accumulating huge foreign exchange
reserves, but a significant part of these
represent capital inflows. If one excludes them
and also net foreign direct investment inflows,
since the latter are also an asset exchange -
namely, an infusion of foreign exchange to acquire
a domestic asset representing future production
capacity - the amount of reserve accumulation that
represents purely mercantilist motives is likely
to be small. How, then, can one conclude that the
exchange rate is undervalued?
Even if
China were to disappear from the face of the
earth, the US deficit would not shrink: it would
merely be shifted to other countries. The root
cause of the problem is not deficient consumption
on the part of China but excessive US consumption,
and raising the prices of Chinese wares is not
going to solve that problem. Household saving
rates in the US are extremely low, hovering at the
historically unprecedented level of less than 1%
of GDP. Taking household fixed investments into
account, mainly in residential housing, this
sector is in substantial deficit. When combined
with the large fiscal deficit - the corporate
sector is more or less in balance - a big current
account imbalance results. The only sound remedy
is for households to save more and for the fiscal
deficit to be substantially reduced.
Chairman Greenspan, while calling for a
flexible yuan, is at the same time highly aware of
the need to reduce domestic imbalances. He
contends that the private sector will eventually
reduce its excess consumption as its becomes more
indebted, but that appropriate discretionary
attempts will be needed to curb the fiscal
deficits. He puts the responsibility for
addressing the US balance of payments deficit on
others. Yet his role has been central. The Fed has
kept interest rates at historically low levels
over a considerable period. After adjusting for
taxation and inflation, interest rates are
significantly negative in real terms. This
encourages borrowing but discourages savings. The
resulting stimulative effect on consumption and
investment is further compounded by balance sheet
effects.
Discounting the future expected
stream of earnings on an asset at a much lower
interest rate results in a huge upward asset
revaluation. An obvious beneficiary has been the
stock exchange, but so has real estate, with home
values almost doubling in the past five years.
This has also influenced the composition of
investment in favor of less productive residential
construction. Coupled with the remarkable ease
with which traditionally illiquid assets such as
housing can be tapped for their perceived higher
equity value, it is not surprising that there has
been a tidal wave of refinancing and second
mortgages. The vast majority of Americans have
enjoyed low interest rate-induced upward asset
revaluations, which are bound to delay their
resumption of saving. And yet a higher savings
rate from the current generation is badly needed
if they are to cope with retirement needs as they
age. Setting real interest rates at a suitable
positive level would have provided appropriate
signals. But this has not been done.
The
US economy is in a quandary and Greenspan is now
gradually increasing interest rates at a "measured
pace" so as to give transactors time to adjust and
avoid precipitate decisions. It is a delicate
balancing act, given that the economy has become
so highly leveraged as a result of the incredibly
low interest rates and expansive monetary policy.
A sharp upward jerk in interest rates could bring
the whole house of cards crashing down. However,
increases in the Federal Funds rate of only 0.25%
on each occasion appears to have resulted in
little, if any, adjustment, judging from the
continuing escalation in real estate prices. Much
more adjustment is needed and this will be
unavoidably painful. The temptation is to try to
export as much of the required adjustment abroad
as possible.
US authorities often argue
that the reason for their large deficit is rapid
growth in the US. If only the rest of the world
would grow faster and at the same time appreciate
their exchange rates vis-a-vis the dollar, much of
the problem would disappear. Exports from the
United States would boom, imports would be
restrained, while profits would rise. The last is
especially important to offset any adverse effects
on investment of rising interest rates. The
stimulus from higher trade would also make it
easier to pursue fiscal retrenchment and counter
skepticism over current budget improvement
proposals.
However, this is wishful
thinking. An appreciating exchange rate is
contractionary for the EU, which, with its
self-imposed restrictions on the stimulative use
of fiscal policy, can do little to promote faster
growth in the short to medium term. China is
already growing rapidly and sucking in imports.
Revaluing the yuan would dampen its growth and may
not result in an increase in its imports. But even
if higher growth elsewhere is not forthcoming, an
appreciation of other currencies vis-a-vis the
dollar is still a highly attractive alternative to
engaging in painful domestic adjustment. A booming
economy could then continue to live beyond its
means financed by dollars which cost virtually
nothing to produce. If the rest of the world holds
these dollars, the day of reckoning is postponed,
and if the dollar devalues the US obtains a free
lunch. This is of course at the expense of others,
such as China, which would suffer a massive
capital loss on its holdings of dollar-denominated
assets.
To ensure such gains, the US
Congress is threatening punitive tariffs of 27.5%
on imports from China if the yuan is not revalued.
Since most of the imports are likely to occur
anyway, the principal risk for China is that it
would lose profits and revenue. A preemptive
response on its part would be to impose duties on
its exports. A better solution would be to
internalize the environmental and other
externality costs associated with the rapid growth
of the productive sectors in China in the form of
fees or taxes for conducting business. These would
be reflected in higher export prices and help
defuse perceptions that China's exports are too
cheap, while keeping revenues at home and avoiding
the capital loss that could result from freeing
the yuan.
It is questionable whether any
punitive tariffs that might be applied to China's
exports, on the grounds that it has been
manipulating its exchange rate, would be legal.
China has operated its fixed exchange rate regime
in full compliance with its obligations under the
IMF's articles of agreement. To be accused of
manipulation when all one is doing is maintaining
an agreed peg appears bizarre. The real
manipulation that is taking place involves the
sequestration of the world's surpluses though the
medium of the present dollar-based international
monetary "non-system". It is time for a
root-and-branch reform.
Dr Sheetal K
Chand is an independent consultant and guest
researcher at the Department of Economics,
University of Oslo, Norway.
Speaking Freely is an Asia Times
Online feature that allows guest writers to have
their say. Please click here
if you are interested in
contributing. |