HONG
KONG - Perhaps the 1989 Tiananmen Square crackdown
was still too fresh in everyone's minds to expect
a meeting between Hong Kong's pro-democracy
lawmakers and a senior Communist Party official to
go smoothly. Still, the weekend meeting may have
broken the ice enough to thaw a path toward future
talks - good news for some Chinese and Hong Kong
politicians.
Media following the historic
meeting reported that the democrats were eager to
talk again. The Mail&Guardian Online reported
that what it described as tense opening talks with
Guangdong provincial Communist Party Secretary
Zhang Dejiang should be
seen as just a beginning.
Bloomberg.com quoted Hong Kong Chief
Executive Donald Tsang as saying the trip was a
"good start". The trip was not a failure "because
it fell within China's 'script' for the event",
the South China Morning Post quoted Xu Chongde, a
mainland official who helped draft Hong Kong's
constitution.
The visit came in wake of
Chinese President Hu Jintao's recent announcement
his country would institute a program of
democratic reforms, including direct elections at
the township level. Though in keeping with Chinese
communist practice, details are sketchy as is the
timeline for township elections, which at this
point will take place "within a couple of years".
The Mail&Guardian Online reported that
"Democrats, who are agitating for reform of an
electoral system that entrusts selection of the
political leader to a Beijing-backed committee,
said on Sunday their opinions had been dismissed
offhand by Zhang.
"Democrats said the
closed-door talks faltered on democrats' demands
for a swift transition to full democracy and on
calls for the Chinese government to apologize for
the brutal 1989 crushing of the Tiananmen
pro-democracy movement.
"He [Zhang]
reacted angrily," said veteran activist Leung
Kwok-hung, who was initially refused entry to the
meeting until he covered a T-shirt bearing slogans
critical of the 1989 massacre.
It is clear
that Tiananmen Square still opens old wounds.
Still, it was the first time since the
crackdown that the Hong Kong democrats met with an
official of Zhang's stature. In another positive
step as well as symbolic move, the democrats on
September 11 dined with Chinese Vice President
Zeng Qinghong when Zeng visited Hong Kong. The
democrats did not have a chance to chat with Zeng
during the dinner, however, dining together sent a
politically important message.
Such
contacts are seen as reflecting the "new thinking"
of the Chinese leaders.
Despite Hong Kong
being returned to Chinese sovereignty more than
eight years ago, Chinese central government
officials never met publicly with Hong Kong
lawmakers.
Analysts attribute the tension
between the two sides to several issues, including
Tiananmen and the democratic development in the
Special Administrative Region of Hong Kong.
But Beijing leaders recently decided to
offer an olive branch to the Hong Kong democrats.
Tsang announced on August 30 that the central
Chinese government had embraced his recommendation
and invited all 60 of Hong Kong's lawmakers,
including the democrats, to visit Guangdong
province. The exchange between Zhang and the
democrats was officially to focus on non-sensitive
economic issues.
Hong Kong democrats knew
before going to Guangdong that it was unlikely
Beijing would change its tough stand on the
Tiananmen incident in the foreseeable future.
Still, the topic arose even though it is evident
the central government is looking for a pragmatic
way to deal with calls for democracy in Hong Kong.
Unraveling the 1989 knot Up
until Tiananmen, Beijing and Hong Kong democrats
were on speaking terms. Maverick democrats Martin
Lee Chu-ming and Szeto Wah were even invited to
become drafters of Hong Kong's Basic Law, which
now governs the post-British situation in Hong
Kong since its handover in 1997. But a rift
developed when the Hong Kong democrats formed an
alliance in support of the Beijing protestors in
1989.
After the crackdown, this alliance
vowed to continue holding candlelight vigils for
the Tiananmen victims every year on the June 4
anniversary, defying Beijing's order not to.
Beijing leaders demanded they disband the
alliance, which the Hong Kong democrats refused to
do. Then, former Chinese president Jiang Zemin,
who came to power after the crackdown, ordered
Hong Kong democrats not to cross the Hong
Kong-mainland border.
For almost 16 years,
this acrimony has formed the backdrop of the
political landscape in Hong Kong. Beijing
authorities distanced themselves from the
democrats, a pattern that did not change even
after 1997. Since, some dissidents have been
elected into the legislative council under the
"one country, two systems" framework.
A
win-win visit? By showing overtures toward
the Hong Kong democrats backed by the US, the
Chinese leadership hopes to show an open-minded
and pragmatic image. But in reality, they are
trying to minimize the negative impact of their
"conservative reform package" for Hong Kong
expected to made public soon.
The
post-2007 political development scheme involving
the Hong Kong government is to be released in
October. The democrats have been demanding
elections for the chief executive election in 2007
and the legislative council election in 2008.
In previous elections in 2003 and 2004,
thousands of voters pleaded during protests for
more democracy. As a result, Beijing sent out the
olive branch, hoping democrats will not instigate
demonstrations to protest against the government's
political development scheme.
Meanwhile,
Tsang's political career is thought by some to
hinge on relations with Beijing, starting with the
visit to Guangdong province. He took over from the
unpopular Tung Chee-wah. Success by Tsang will be
seen as being in sharp contrast to the failure of
Tung, who was appointed by former president Jiang
Zemin. It must be remembered that Hu and Jiang
have been locked into a grueling power struggle,
ever since the former took office in 2003, while
the latter became a master of backroom politics.
In this sense, the Hong Kong-mainland relationship
is a gamble neither Tsang nor Hu want to lose.
The latest public opinion polls indicates
that Tsang's popularity has dipped slightly from
its peak during his political "honeymoon" with the
Hong Kong public after inauguration. His
popularity should increase if he can show success
in contact with the mainland.
Tsang is
desperate for wide-ranging public support because
his administration is about to resume
deliberations over the political development
options, which has split Hong Kong in the past. He
needs to find middle ground that will appease
Beijing and still appeal to the majority of Hong
Kong residents.
Hong Kong politics
remapped Behind Tsang is Hu's unreserved
support. Tsang served in the previous British Hong
Kong government for years, even under the
leadership of former governor Chris Patten, who
Beijing calls a "culprit of history". Tsang was
also made a knight before Hong Kong's return to
China. Despite his past, he is somewhat
appreciated by communist leaders and has been
elevated to the post of chief executive.
"Allowing the whole legislative council to
visit Guangdong speaks volumes about the central
government's goodwill," Tsang told the council. "I
am hoping that the councilors will take the chance
to grasp a better understanding of the mainland.
Beijing is trying hard, and we must cooperate."
Tsang may have used the word "cooperate" to avoid
annoying Beijing while keeping an eye on the
political situation at home.
Old-school
mindset stays Irrespective of signs
suggesting Beijing has altered its strategy to
cope with Hong Kong mavericks, many mainland
authorities who play a key part in Hong Kong
affairs remain shocked, nonplused and even
unresponsive. Quite a few oppose the president's
innovative strategy.
Meanwhile, Hong Kong
reformers are believed vulnerable to the
conservative's attack should they lose control of
the situation with the mainland. Democrats best
remember Tsang's remark to them prior to the trip
to the mainland, "Being radical does not help
communication."
Qiu Xinis an
Asia Times Online correspondent based in Hong
Kong.
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