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    Greater China
     Jul 14, 2006
China chooses its own pace
By Antoaneta Bezlova

BEIJING - China might be North Korea's largest trade and economic partner, but expectations that Beijing would exert influence over the reclusive regime of North Korean leader Kim Jong-il and succeed in persuading him to abandon his nuclear ambitions are misplaced, observers say.

This is not the least because of China's own agenda with Pyongyang that doesn't always dovetail with the goals of the international community.

After North Korea launched a series of provocative missiles this month, and intensified tensions on the Korean Peninsula, China deployed a high-level diplomatic mission to Pyongyang and



pledged to do its best publicly and behind the scenes to resolve the crisis. Washington has urged Beijing to ratchet up pressure on Pyongyang - including cutting off its oil supply and economic aid - to end its missile tests and return to international nuclear disarmament talks.

Officially, Beijing reacted angrily to the tests, which came a week after Chinese Prime Minister Wen Jiabao added his voice to those warning Kim not to launch the missiles. Pyongyang test-fired seven missiles, including a long-range Taepodong 2, that may have the capability of reaching the United States, prompting Japan to seek a United Nations resolution authorizing sanctions to be imposed.

The Chinese Foreign Ministry expressed "serious concern" over the events - an indication of a grave degree of displeasure in Chinese diplomatic parlance, according to analysts, and one conveyed to the North for the first time in relation to a missile test.
Nevertheless, Beijing is unlikely to act harshly. "China will not put pressure on North Korea - either publicly or privately, by cutting its financial aid or oil shipments - because it would hurt its own relations with North Korea," said Chu Shulong, professor of international relations at the Beijing Tshinghua University.

"What Beijing worries about is that the missile tests would deprive it of the opportunity to act as a negotiator at the six-party talks and would lead to a situation where China would not be able to help North Korea to avoid sanctions."

While China has initiated and proudly hosted a series of six-party talks aimed at ending North Korea's nuclear weapons ambitions, Beijing has acted in understanding that not hosting such talks would have been tantamount to leaving the North Korean issue to be dealt with at the United Nations Security Council.

For years, Beijing has tried to prevent referral of its old ideological ally to the Security Council for fear that a vote on sanctions on the North over its nuclear program would see China, which holds a veto power, overtly pitted against the US and other Western powers.

This week, China put forward in the Security Council a non-binding resolution on Pyongyang's missile provocation, but asked the vote on sanctions to be delayed while its visits Pyongyang.

While China and North Korea's alliance goes back to the communism heydays of the 1950s, these days Beijing's staunch support for Kim's anachronistic regime has little to do with ideology. In recent years, China has become North Korea's main trading partner and its biggest investor, contributing the lion's share of the foreign investment into the North's floundering economy.

"Beijing is genuine in wanting to have the Korean peninsula free of nuclear weapons but Chinese leaders don't prioritize their objectives," said one Chinese analyst who spoke on condition of anonymity.

"The North has a lot to offer to China's economy, such as minerals and untapped water resources, also cheap labor and available ports. Beijing wants to have access to all these and in order to achieve this it needs to support the current regime."

Not unlike its economic courtship of Sudan and Iran - two other countries seen as "rogue regimes" by the US and where China's presence has provoked international concern, Beijing is spearheading a revival of North Korea's decrepit infrastructure and industries. Analysts speak of US$50 billion worth of Chinese investment being channeled into the North's economy.

They say Beijing's economic foray into the North was decided and sealed during Chinese President Hu Jintao's visit to Pyongyang last October and during the reciprocal visit to China by Kim in January. Kim was accompanied by Hu on a secretive nine-day tour of China, which took him to some of the country's showcases of economic success, such as the southern economic zone of Shenzhen and the financial hub of Shanghai.

It is unclear whether Pyongyang's missiles launch happened because or despite of Beijing's deal on economic cooperation with North Korea. "China was opposed to the tests and unhappy that they happened," Chu asserts.

A delegation led by Vice Premier Hui Liangyu is on a five-day visit of North Korea this week to mark the 45th anniversary of a bilateral friendship treaty between the two countries. The group, however, includes also China's top nuclear weapons negotiator, Wu Dawei, who leads China's team in the six-nation talks on persuading the North to end its nuclear program.

"It is time for China to exert its influence that it does have on North Korea," US Under Secretary of State Nicholas Burns was quoted as saying this week.

The last round of six-party talks that included South Korea, Russia, Japan and the US ended in November without agreement after the parties had signed a September 2005 declaration calling for a nuclear-free Korean peninsula.

"It would be really hard for Beijing to revive the stalled talks," said Shi Yinhong, political observer with China People's University in Beijing. "The main difficulty is the US attitude towards North Korea. After the signing of the 2005 statement, Washington's acts towards Pyongyang caught everybody by surprise and caused those who supported the talks in the North to be silenced."

Early this year, the US riled Pyongyang by forcing Macau's Banco Delta Asia to cease business with North Korea because of accusations of money laundering and counterfeiting. Some observers say the latest series of missiles are aimed at winning concessions from Washington as Pyongyang's price for returning to the six-party talks.

North Korea has insisted on holding bilateral talks with the US - a demand that Washington has so far resisted, replying it would negotiate with Pyongyang within the framework of the six-party talks.

However, Washington's recent agreement to hold bilateral negotiations with Iran, which US President George W Bush has ranked along with North Korea as part of the "axis of evil", might have ignited hopes that the same concession would be made for North Korea.

(Inter Press Service)


Pyongyang's missiles right on target (Jul 11, '06)

N Korea's ace threatens US-Seoul alliance (Jul 7, '06)

N Korea's missiles met by Japanese sanctions (Jul 6, '06)

 
 



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