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2 Farce and fashion in Hong Kong's
election By Kent Ewing
campaign itself at times clearly
discomfited the chief executive, forcing him to
defend his record and articulate his awkward
vision for Hong Kong's future. As it turned out,
that vision did not amount to much - "I'll get the
job done" was his uninspiring campaign slogan -
and the debates clearly put him on his heels.
Before the first debate, held on March 1,
Leong, 49, who has served in the legislature for
less than three years, was regarded
as a
weak candidate who amounted to little more than a
sacrificial lamb for the democrats. It was
commonly assumed that Tsang, 62, a 40-year veteran
of the civil service and a former financial
secretary under the British and chief secretary
under Tung, would thrash his rival in a policy
clash.
The debate - indeed, the entire
campaign - had been caricatured as "Bow Tie vs
Pocket Square", a reference to Tsang's trademark
neckwear and the pink pocket handkerchiefs and
matching neckties worn by Leong. Leong's effete
sartorial challenge to the chief executive had
come to seem an apt symbol of his floundering
campaign.
After some initial nervous
fumbling, however, Leong, a member of the Civic
Party, went on the attack in the 90-minute
televised encounter, using his legal training to
dominate the incumbent, who appeared uncomfortable
and defensive. Previously considered a one-issue
candidate for universal suffrage with a limited
grasp of policy detail, Leong displayed a
surprising mastery of facts and figures on issues
ranging from the city's foreign-currency reserves
to education reform. In addition, he was quick
with ripostes and clearly the rhetorical superior
to the chief executive.
Hands down,
analysts gave the challenger the victory in the
debate. Another University of Hong Kong poll,
however, showed that ordinary citizens thought
Tsang was the winner, 46.5% to 34%, perhaps
reflecting expectations more than reality.
The chief executive was better prepared
and less defensive in the second televised debate,
held on March 15, but so too was the challenger.
Tsang emphasized his experience, wide-ranging
knowledge of public policy and practical vision of
Hong Kong's relationship with Beijing. Leong again
went on the attack, sounding populist themes and
showing off his superior debating skills. The
defining moment of the campaign came when Leong
declared: "I am for those without a vote, power or
money."
Stressing consensus rather than
class divisions, Tsang responded: "Powerful or
powerless, wealthy or poor, Hong Kong people are
my bosses. I won't make Hong Kong a battleground
for them."
In the end, public perception
of the two candidates seemed to catch up with
reality, with viewers calling the second debate a
virtual draw. Curiously, however, despite the
respect earned by Leong in the two encounters, his
impressive performance made little difference in
pre-election polls showing overwhelming support
for the incumbent if Hong Kong people were allowed
to vote.
And that is not because people
were not tuning in to watch. The two debates each
drew more than 2 million viewers, but Tsang's
approval rating, despite his difficulties in the
contests, consistently hovered around 70%.
The chief executive's popularity has been
sustained by Hong Kong's booming economy. While
the challenger repeatedly pointed out the widening
gap between rich and poor in the city, ultimately
Leong found it hard to argue against Hong Kong's
6.8% economic growth last year and projected
growth of 4.5-5.5% for 2007-08.
This
year's phenomenal budget surplus of more than US$7
billion, resulting in nearly $2.6 billion in tax
giveaways in the city's budget, also helped Tsang.
Leong may have owned most of the campaign's
rhetorical flourishes, but Tsang and his masters
in Beijing held all the economic cards.
That said, it is remarkable that the
challenger managed to win more than the necessary
100 nominations from a Beijing-stacked Election
Committee to compete in the election and even more
remarkable that, although he could not change the
inevitable outcome, he did manage to transform the
campaign.
In Beijing, where
authoritarianism is still the rule, Chinese
leaders are no doubt pleased with their scripted
result. But they also might be a little nervous
about the next act in Hong Kong's ongoing
political development.
"One country, two
systems" remains a work in progress.
Stay
tuned.
Kent Ewing is a teacher
and writer at Hong Kong International School. He
can be reached at kewing@hkis.edu.hk.
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