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    Greater China
     Sep 13, 2007
Page 2 of 2
Beijing's silly season begins

By Kent Ewing

would land them in trouble if spoken in public or posted on the Internet. In the past, authorities have employed SMS surveillance systems to stop them. For example, at the height of the SARS (severe acute respiratory syndrome) epidemic in 2003, 100 people were arrested for spreading "false rumors" via SMS about the disease.

Last week, the CCP's chief mouthpiece, the People's Daily, took the crackdown on text-messaging a step further, calling for a



registration system that requires mobile-phone users to provide their real names. Users can take advantage of the laxness of the current system by registering with a false name to spread pornography, fraudulent shopping and business propositions, and other spam. But they can also hide behind pseudonyms to share political gossip and commentary.

To underscore the central government's seriousness about the issue, the party mouthpiece ran three separate commentaries over a full page urging adoption of the new system.

Talk of sex is also taboo and has been ordered off the airwaves by the State Administration of Radio, Film and Television. The broadcast watchdog recently censured two radio stations in Chengdu and Sichuan for airing programs of "indescribably squalid, erotic, and indecent content" and banned radio and television stations from airing any program on sex-related topics, including contraception.

In language that harkened back to the good old days when communism and puritanism walked hand in hand, the ban admonishes broadcasters not to "design, produce and broadcast any programs or columns on sex life, sex experiences and contraceptives, sexual organs and sexual medicines that go against morality and profane science and civilization". Sometimes you have to blink and remind yourself that this is a country that has taken its rightful place among the world's leading nations on the strength of nearly 30 years of robust and sustained economic growth.

If the crowning moment for Hu will come at the October congress, the nation he leads will celebrate its international coming-out when Beijing stages the Olympics next summer. Will the same paranoia reign then as now? If so, how can Chinese officials hope to control the 20,000-25,000 journalists who are expected to descend on the country to cover the event, especially after giving assurances of press freedom to the International Olympic Committee as a condition for hosting the games?

Judging by Beijing's actions so far, the plan is to muzzle its own media and citizens so that the foreign press has no one to talk to. Censorship has increased in the run-up to the party congress and is unlikely to ease before China's global debut next summer. Just last month - again according to Human Rights Watch - five Chinese journalists were beaten by thugs and then arrested by police for interviewing witnesses to a bridge collapse that killed 36 people in Hunan province. The catalogue of abuse, intimidation and censorship of the media continues to grow.

Still, it is hard to imagine how the central government can manage to cover up all of the country's many warts during the Olympics. Even the well-orchestrated plan to reduce the capital's severely egregious air pollution has proved subject to the vagaries of fate. The aim of the plan is to create blue skies over Beijing next summer by keeping more than a third of the city's 3 million cars off the road for the two-week period of the Games, but a four-day trial run last month proved decidedly underwhelming.

During the trial period, cars with odd- and even-numbered license plates were ordered off the road on alternate days, resulting in little improvement in the city's air quality. Officials blamed the elements - namely lack of wind - for the disappointing result. The experiment goes to show that, whether Chinese leaders are planning a party congress or an event as internationally important as the Olympics, there are things they simply cannot control.

Ironically, there is no need even to try. China's narrative over the past 30 years is overwhelmingly a story of success. Let it be told, warts and all. Indeed, the fact that the Chinese leadership prevents important parts of that story from being heard is the biggest wart of all.

Kent Ewing is a teacher and writer at Hong Kong International School. He can be reached at kewing@hkis.edu.hk.

(Copyright 2007 Asia Times Online Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us about sales, syndication and republishing.)

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