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    Greater China
     Sep 18, 2007
COMMENT
The cowboy learns some finesse
By Dmitry Shlapentokh

Recently, US President George W Bush willingly accepted Chinese President Hu Jintao's invitation to attend the 2008 Summer Olympic Games in Beijing, an unmistakable signal that, despite the problems in the Chinese-US relationship, the United States has no intention of burning bridges.

Bush also maintains a most amicable relationship with Russian President Vladimir Putin, with whom he planned a fishing trip to



Siberia, despite Putin's decision to resume strategic bomber flights close to US bases. And tension with "Old Europe" seems to be a thing of the past. Bush has become an increasingly skillful and shrewd diplomat, in clear contrast to the early days of his presidency when he showed an iron fist to potential adversaries and discarded international law with a doctrine of preemption.

One might even assume that the current Bush is a departure from the average American, someone who could be seen as an undiplomatic simpleton, albeit quite friendly and on occasion even charming. But his sophisticated diplomatic maneuvering may not be an aberration but a return to traditional US diplomacy, a reflection of the life of the average American, who might be said to be born with superb diplomatic skills.

An inexperienced foreigner employed by a large US company or university might find colleagues extremely friendly and helpful. He or she is immediately invited to numerous parties and other gatherings where bosses and employees mingle in the most democratic way. Colleagues spend considerable time pointing out stores, supermarkets, and real-estate agencies.

There are greetings and broad smiles in the corridors, and colleagues state publicly that in the current horrible job market, fellow employees, fellow human beings, should not be dismissed with flippant pretexts, especially if there are family or medical problems. The newcomer is absolutely sure the job is secure.

Yet at the end of the year our individual is unpleasantly surprised that his or her contract is not to be renewed. The people who were so friendly at the beginning might be the very ones who insisted most on the dismissal, in the aftermath of the very party where the person was greeted by everyone so pleasantly, and that it had been decided then that the dismissal should be as soon as possible. Our bewildered individual might also find out that those who had pressed hard for immediate dismissal asserted that this was not because of any personal grudge but because it would be in the best interests of the institution.

Why is there such a sharp difference between external sociability and pleasantries and calculating and tough subsequent behavior? The US civilization was formed with no trace of traditional feudal culture, which emphasizes hierarchical relationships.

This blurring of lines leads to sociability and external friendliness. But it also makes middle-class Americans extremely individualistic, with an inner core that is not revealed to anyone. This hidden self (reinforced by a strong Calvinistic tradition of survival depending on self-reliance), combined with strong external sociability, has created a peculiar national character where "deciphering" the other is extremely hard.

Discerning what a person thinks about you, or even his or her personal mood, can be very difficult, for people smile pleasantly and respond "fine" to any question about their well-being. At the same time, the individual sincerely believes his or her personal interests are the interests of the entire group and of society in general. All this makes Americans natural diplomats.

Those who regarded Bush's early policy as manifesting America's diplomatic culture - or lack of it: calling Bush and the entire nation "cowboys" happened quite frequently in the foreign press - ignored the fact that Americans are extremely skillful diplomats. America's dealing with China is a good illustration.

The rapprochement with China in 1972 began with "ping-pong" diplomacy: meetings between Chinese and American sportsmen. Later, then-secretary of state Henry Kissinger skillfully played the Russian card in dealing with the Chinese and the Chinese card in dealing with the Russians or, more precisely, the Soviets.

The early George W Bush's lack of diplomatic niceties and brazen disregard for international law and even for America's allies were not the result of a sudden degeneration of the mental abilities of the US elite. Nor was it caused by radical changes in US middle-class culture - "say what you think". Rather, it was caused by general geopolitical change.

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the United States emerged as the only superpower, which seemed able to solve its problems by sheer force. Similar to Rome at its height, the US elite and the nation in general - with Bush as representative - acquired habits of primitive directness and often lost the self-control so central to the middle-class Machiavellian and Orwellian cultures of US public discourse.

The situation became strikingly different when the US faced increasing economic and military challenges that it could hardly solve alone, if at all. At that point, the inbred diplomatic culture was duly reborn, as witness Bush's increasing multifaceted flirtation with a variety of nations, from China to Korea and France to Russia. It corresponds with the transition from the Roman Empire with its tough-talking generals, invincible legions and global reach to the post-imperial Byzantine stage where limited territory and resources went with a much more sophisticated diplomatic culture.

One could possibly see in Bush's humble acceptance of the invitation to the China Olympics the beginning of the "post-Roman", "Byzantine" state. The new - more precisely old - diplomatic culture could be of great benefit to smoothing America's decline. But there is still a persistent danger that the irrational streak in overall behavior of the elite - and the nation in general - caused by the quick transition from the boundless expectations of the "American century" to an increasingly troubled future could spoil the designs of finely tuned American Orwellian Machiavellianism.

Indeed, if this happens and some reckless action is made - eg, war with Iran - diplomacy will be of no use.

Dmitry Shlapentokh, PhD, is associate professor of history, College of Liberal Arts and Sciences, Indiana University South Bend. He is author of East Against West: The First Encounter - The Life of Themistocles (2005).

(Copyright 2007 Asia Times Online Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us about sales, syndication and republishing.)


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