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    Greater China
     Jan 18, 2008
All bets off on Taiwan's presidential race
By Fong Tak-ho

HONG KONG - Taiwan's opposition Kuomintang (KMT) party won a landslide victory at the January 12 legislative elections. But, in a little more than two months, an even more crucial challenge is awaiting: the presidential elections on March 22. Despite growing optimism sparked by the sweeping victory, it is still too soon to conclude that KMT candidate Ma Ying-jeou will undoubtedly grab the top post.

There are reasons for the KMT, the flagship party of the so-called "pan-blue" camp opposed to Taiwan's independence, to be



optimistic. The KMT won 81 out of the 113 seats in the Legislative Yuan or Parliament, compared to 27 for the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). The DPP, standard-bearer of the pro-independence "pan-green" camp, has suffered the worst defeat in elections since its foundation in 1986. Nevertheless, when taking a closer look at the election results, pundits caution that the KMT victory should not be overestimated.

In the just-concluded legislative elections, 36.9% of the voters cast their ballots for the DPP. Compared to the 35.7% support rate the DPP enjoyed in the 2004 legislative elections, the pan-green flagship has in fact become even more popular, despite the minimal margin. Under the new election system adopted in the just-concluded legislative elections, only one candidate can win in each constituency. It turned out that a substantial number of the DPP candidates were defeated by a thin margin. This means the voting method has amplified the magnitude of the KMT's victory.

On the other hand, the KMT, which managed to garner 51.2% votes, is far from maximizing its support. In the 1996 presidential election, the KMT gained 54% of the total votes; in the 2000 president election, the "pan-blue" camp won 59.9% votes altogether. A split in the party, however, eventually landed the DPP's Chen Shui-bian the presidency.

Analysts contended that voters definitely were not happy with the performance of the DPP administration, yet they held grudges against the KMT as well for the endless power struggles in the legislature that have prevented anything significant or fruitful being accomplished over past four years.

In addition, Taiwanese citizens still have a vivid memory of how a dramatic event can turn things around. On March 19, 2004, the eve of the presidential election, President Chen Shui-bian and Vice President Annette Lu were shot during a campaign parade in Tainan. The episode resulted in a DPP triumph despite many polls before the election indicating the KMT enjoyed a minor lead.

Apart from this "assassination" claim, the DPP in the past was also good at exposing corruption scandals in the run-up to voting, despite that such claims were always controversial and sometimes proved wrong.

Last year, the DPP fiercely attacked the KMT's presidential candidate Ma Ying-jeou for "embezzling" special funds for public service, which Ma and many others senior officials saw as a part of their legitimized income. The court eventually acquitted Ma of the charges, but Ma's defense was criticized as "inconsistent".

For example, Ma reportedly insisted he used all the funds for public service and charity but later admitted he kept some of them for his own use, seeing them as part of his salary. The admission cast doubts on his honesty and ability for crisis management. This was not the only incident that gave Ma's opponents a chance to question his leadership qualities. In September 2001, a typhoon caused widespread flooding in Taipei, when Ma was mayor of the capital city. When Chen Shui-bian visited the emergency command center, it was reported that Ma "was even not there".

Still, it must not be overlooked that the political atmosphere is now greatly in favor of Ma. At a time when a spate of corruption scandals surround Chen Shui-bian, many voters in Taiwan believe Ma is clean, attributing the belief to his efforts to crack down corruption as minister of justice in the 1990s. Besides, Ma is seen as a mild leader who is opposed to radical political campaigns, and this is a benefit after Chen's controversial campaign to denounce the late Taiwanese leader Chiang Kai-shek. The campaign to denounce Chiang is seen by many as an insult to millions of mainlanders who fled to Taiwan with Chiang, after the KMT lost a civil war on the mainland to the communists in 1949, and have lived there ever since.

On the other hand, Frank Hsieh, the DPP candidate for the March presidential race, is definitely fighting an uphill battle. With the departure of Chen Shui-bian as chairman of the DPP after his humiliating defeat last weekend, it is now show-time for Hsieh. His political career will come to an end if he fails. By declaring he will retire from Taiwan's politics should he lose, Frank Hsieh has staked everything on a single throw.

As suggested by the legislative elections, the "pan-blue" camp now enjoys a lead of 1.5 million or 15% more votes than the DPP, which means the "pan-green" camp must persuade about 800,000 or 8% of the voters to change their mind if they are to win the March election. Theoretically, this is not impossible, but when taking into account the very limited time available, the mission is arguably extremely unlikely.

Now, two chances will increase the opportunity for Hsieh to accomplish his difficult task: the arrangement for the Lunar New Year cross-strait chartered flights and the battle against inflation.

For political reasons, there are no direct flights between Taiwan and mainland China. During the Lunar New Year, however, authorities in Taipei and Beijing have in the past arranged cross-strait direct flights during the peak traffic season. In the past few years, the arrangement has been criticized as not flexible enough and the period too short.

This time, under the pressure of Hsieh, the DPP administration will probably allow the chartered flights to be arranged at more frequent intervals, most likely three flights during a week, and for an extended time.

Hsieh's campaign team will also try to persuade the DPP to adopt price controls over skyrocketing oil costs and escalating inflation. The DPP wants to demonstrate that it cares about the livelihoods of grassroots citizens, in contrast to Ma's policies of market economics.

Another card Hsieh will play is the importance of checks and balances. With the "pan-blue" camp now holding three quarters of the legislative seats, they can easily recall the president or amend the constitution as they wish. However, this can also easily backfire because the legislature and the executive branch of the government have already been locked in a four-year impasse and many voters want the political struggle to give way for economic development. To lobby for more support, Hsieh has already promised that he will seek majority support for the premier candidate in the legislature, although this is not constitutionally required.

Hsieh is a veteran who has a track record of attracting last-minute support from voters. In 1998, he won the Kaohsiung mayoral election by a very thin margin after an audio-tape, which was later proven to be fake, surfaced about a "sex scandal" involving his KMT competitor. Kaohsiung citizens held such high regard for his performance that he easily earned a second term as mayor in 2002.

In 2006, he was called by his party to fight a difficult battle in the mayoral election in Taipei, a hot-bed of "pan-blue" support. Hsieh managed to win 40% of the votes, a comparatively "good result" which surprised many analysts. In the latest legislative elections, all eight seats from Taipei went into the KMT's pocket.

Within the "pan-green" camp, Hsieh is considered a heavyweight. He also represents their last hope. As one of the founders of the DPP, it was Hsieh who coined the name of the party and co-drafted its constitution in 1986. Hsieh is controversial, however, for his religious leanings towards a cult leader who was convicted of fraud.

Furthermore, during Hsieh's tenure as mayor, Kaohsiung city was plagued by corruption, specifically in city council elections and a railway construction project. Although none of these scandals was directly linked to Hsieh, his opponents continue to question his determination to stamp out corruption.

Now, both the "pan-blue" and "pan-green" camps are looking for endorsement from an influential moderate figure who can appeal to the undecided voters: former Taiwan president Lee Teng-hui. Although Lee is definitely influential, he is arguably not so moderate, given his firm pro-independence stance.

As it stands, many uncertainties still hang over Taiwan's presidential election in march. The only thing for certain is that the outcome will be an all-important event in the political theatre of Greater China.

Fong Tak-ho is managing editor of the Chinese version of Asia Times Online.

(Copyright 2008 Asia Times Online Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us about sales, syndication and republishing.)


Taiwan, and president, take a drubbing (Jan 15, '08)

US tweaks stance on Taiwan vote (Jan 20, '07)

No winners in Taiwan's recall campaign (Jan 26, '06)


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