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    Greater China
     Mar 28, 2008
Tibet, China and the West: Back to stereotypes
By Kent Ewing

HONG KONG - For China watchers who hope that mutual understanding and tolerance between Beijing and its Western counterparts will both broaden and deepen as China's international coming-out party - the Summer Olympic Games - approaches, the riots in Tibet have proved a sobering disappointment. And for all those hoping that the Beijing Olympics will not be politicized - it's too late, they already have been.

Once again, Chinese and Western leaders have shown us that when things get really tough in China - and the separatist-inspired riots targeting not just the central government but also innocent Han Chinese now living in Tibet and nearby provinces qualify as just that - both parties revert depressingly to form.

The Chinese government has attacked the Western media, the


 

Dalai Lama and all those taking part in the protests in language reminiscent of the Cultural Revolution while Western powers, led by Speaker of the US House of Representatives Nancy Pelosi, have used the violence in Tibet as yet another excuse to demonize China's leaders.

Where we go from here is crucial for both sides, and China clearly has a plan: control Tibet and welcome the world to a peaceful, orderly and, yes, more open China for the Games. "Give us a break," the rising but troubled country all but cries out to the world. "Let us find our own way," pleas the nation of 1.3 billion. But is anybody in the West listening?

Western-inspired protesters, not to mention election-year politics in the largely China-ignorant United States, could very well derail the Chinese plan. Let's hope not. China has earned - and should be granted - its international debut at the Olympics, which can serve not only as a grand entertainment for the sporting world but also as an education to the ignorant about the daunting challenges it faces as a still-developing nation with its massive population. Meanwhile, however, Chinese leaders need to drop the throwback language of Mao Zedong and truly engage the West.

The trouble in Tibet reportedly started with a protest on March 10, the anniversary of a failed 1959 Tibetan uprising against Chinese rule, at Tibet's most sacred shrine, the Jokhang Temple in the capital of Lhasa. After riots broke out in the Tibetan capital on March 14, Tibet's China-appointed governor, Champa Phuntsok, got the rhetorical ball rolling for Beijing, denouncing the protestors as a "small group of separatists and criminals" and threatening harsh penalties for those who did not turn themselves in by a deadline established last week.

"No country would allow those offenders or criminals to escape the arm of justice, and China is no exception," said Champa Phuntsok, an ethnic Tibetan.

Foreign Ministry spokesman Liu Jianchao went a step further, characterizing the protests as "atrocities of the Tibetan independence forces" revealing "the hypocrisy and deceit of [their] peace and non-violence propaganda".

In case anyone was wondering to whom Liu had referred, Premier Wen Jiabao clarified in remarks of his own. "There is ample fact and we also have plenty of evidence proving that this incident was organized, premeditated, masterminded and incited by the Dalai clique," the premier said at a televised news conference on March 18.

Before that, the Dalai Lama, Tibet's spiritual leader, had condemned China's crackdown on the protesters as part of the ongoing "cultural genocide" perpetrated by Beijing in Tibet, an autonomous region that he fled during the 1959 insurrection for exile in India. Chinese leaders have seized on the violence in Tibet, the worst in 20 years, as another opportunity to vilify the Dalai Lama, whom they regard as a dangerous "splittist". The Dalai Lama has employed some incendiary language of his own, but has also repeatedly called for peace in the region and made a point of supporting the Beijing Olympics despite the crackdown.

After rounding on the Dalai Lama, Beijing condemned the Western media for "biased reports" on Tibet and has done its best to push its own version of the story, which goes like this: a small, extreme group of splittists - organized by the Dalai Lama and his followers - sparked a hate-filled rampage in Lhasa, smashing vehicles and looting and burning more than 100 stores; the violence in Lhasa then led to a few copycat incidents in three neighboring provinces: Sichuan, Qinghai and Gansu. Reports in state media, supported by photographs and TV footages, described angry Tibetan crowds in Lhasa attacking innocent bystanders who were Han Chinese.

Beijing has also gone out of its way to underscore factual errors committed by Western news organizations, including the BBC, CNN, Fox News and the Washington Post. For example, state media pointed out that the BBC mistakenly described an online photo of an ambulance as a police vehicle involved in the crackdown on rioters in Lhasa. And The Washington Post was pilloried for running a photo of Tibetan protesters battling with police in Nepal's capital of Katmandu with a caption describing Chinese police thwarting demonstrators in Lhasa. Germany's RTL TV was forced to apologize for a similar error.

This has further fueled nationalistic sentiments among Chinese (presumably the majority Han people). Many Chinese netizens, in China and overseas, have expressed their support of the crackdown on riots in Tibet, condemning Western media for its "biased" reports to demonize their country.

"I was angered, as a media researcher, by their reporting," Zhang Kai, a professor at Communication University of China, told the official Xinhua News Agency. "They violated the fundamental journalistic principle of truth ... I was ashamed of my Western counterparts."

Indeed, the official Beijing line on the Tibet story involves two putative conspiracies, one propagated by the immoral "Dalai clique" pushing for an independent Tibet and the other supported by Western governments and media who want to sabotage the Olympics. The palpable anger that bubbles to the surface of remarks made by Chinese officials can, in part, be explained by the fact these embarrassing protests occurred during the annual session of the National People's Congress (NPC), the country's Parliament, in Beijing.

While admitting that factual errors have been made in their reporting on Tibet, Western media executives also complain about the news blackout imposed by the Chinese government on the story, which they claim has made such errors almost inevitable. If Chinese leaders want accurate reporting, they say, then let the international press in and show them what is really happening.

Beijing has responded by organizing a tour of Lhasa for a dozen overseas news organizations, most of which are located in Hong Kong and Taiwan. But the reporters are restricted to visits to burnt-out shops and damaged schools, temples and infrastructure, and their interviews will go no further than injured policemen and civilians and families of those killed in the violence.
But that did not stop a group of about 30 Buddhist monks from disrupting the tightly controlled tour of Jokhang Temple on Thursday by shouting out complaints about their lack of religious freedom. "Tibet is not free! Tibet is not free!" screamed one young monk, the Associated Press reported.

Nowhere is Beijing's distrust of Western media better illustrated than in the reporting on those killed in the riots. Beijing says 22 civilians died in the violence, but Tibetan exile groups, widely quoted in the West, claim up to 140 were killed. State media also report that more than 600 rue-stricken protesters, hoping for leniency, have turned themselves into police in Lhasa.

As for Western governments, while condemnations of China's crackdown have been the norm, no government has even mentioned boycotting the Olympics, although France raised the prospect of boycotting the opening ceremony, to be held August 8. The George W Bush administration has been remarkably restrained in its response to the violence, with the president reaffirming his plans to attend the games, but that has not stopped other prominent American politicians from speaking out.

If you are running for president in the US during a Chinese crackdown on anything - from democracy advocates to separatists to Falungong worshippers - the script is the same, no matter your party: stern condemnation is required. Senator John McCain, the presumptive Republican nominee, along with the two remaining Democratic candidates - fellow senators Hillary Rodham Clinton and Barack Obama - have followed that script, winning easy applause along the campaign trail but doing nothing to help America understand its increasingly important and rapidly changing relationship with China.

To most Americans, China represents two things: totalitarian oppression and loads of cheap, often tainted and dangerous manufactured goods. After that, there is a huge void that needs to be filled, but don't count on that happening in an election year.

The most strident American response to the crisis in Tibet came from House Speaker Pelosi, long a fierce critic of China on trade and human-rights issues. Last week, Pelosi was the first major foreign official to meet with the Dalai Lama at his headquarters-in-exile in Dharamsala, India.

"If freedom-loving people throughout the world do not speak out against China's oppression in China and Tibet," she told thousands of cheering Tibetans in Dharamsala in India, "we have lost all moral authority to speak on behalf of human rights anywhere in the world."

Pelosi called for an international investigation into the violence in Tibet, but clearly she thought the Chinese government was responsible for most of it. "Nothing surprises me about the use of violence on the part of the Chinese government," she said.

Such remarks, of course, greatly pleased her host while absolutely infuriating Beijing, which denounced her through Xinhua as "a defender of arsonists, looters and killers". The prominent coverage given Pelosi's comments helps to explain the conviction of Chinese leaders that the Western media game is a losing proposition for them, especially in times of crisis. It is no wonder they expel foreign reporters from troubled areas, call news blackouts and then mount their own media campaign against Western powers. To the West, this is a gross violation of the basic principles of a free press. To the Chinese, it is a simple matter of protecting national interests from attacks that are rooted in ignorance and prejudice.

And it's true: not many in the West understand China's concern that separatists in Tibet could feed the flames of separatism in other places, such as the large northwestern autonomous region of Xinjiang, which borders Tibet.

Xinjiang, despite years of Han Chinese migration to the region, still has a majority Muslim population and a sometimes violent independence movement. Earlier this month, again according to state media, authorities foiled a terrorist attack on a China Southern Airlines flight that took off from the Xinjiang capital of Urumqi for Beijing. Details of the alleged attack were maddeningly sketchy, however, so it is hard to say what really happened.

Nevertheless, it is clear that Chinese leaders live in constant fear of those who would break up a nation that it has taken so much work (and so many lives) to put back together - and those fears are not confined to sprawling autonomous western regions but also include Hong Kong, which returned to the motherland in 1997 after more than 150 years of British rule. Taiwan - which Beijing claims as another stolen child and where China-friendly Ma Ying-jeou won a landslide victory in the presidential election last weekend over his more independence-minded rival, Frank Hsieh Chang-ting - also figures into the Tibet equation.

How much of this complex story will figure into the ongoing US presidential debate? Obama has courageously called for an honest national dialogue on racial differences. Who will be brave enough to call for an equally honest dialogue on US-China relations?

Meanwhile, China's glorious plan for the Olympic torch is under threat. The torch's 137,000-kilometer journey began on Monday in Olympia, Greece - accompanied by protests, of course - and will continue for another 130 days. In June, it will pass through Tibet and the three neighboring provinces affected by the violent protests of the last 17 days.

It could be a long, hot summer in Beijing. And 30,000 foreign journalists will be there to record the daily temperature.

Kent Ewing is a teacher and writer at Hong Kong International School. He can be reached at kewing@hkis.edu.hk.

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