Beijing and Seoul turn a new page
By Jing-dong Yuan
MONTEREY, California - During South Korean President Lee Myung-bak's visit to
China last week, the two countries agreed to elevate their bilateral
relationship from the previous "comprehensive cooperative partnership" to a
"strategic and cooperative partnership".
This upgrade is not merely semantic. The People's Republic of China and the
Republic of Korea could potentially turn a new page in the bilateral
relationship, and this has important implications for the Korean Peninsula and
Northeast Asia.
Lee's first few months in office had Beijing concerned as he emphasized the
strategic importance of the US-South Korea
alliance and closer ties with Japan. The so-called "new thinking" and pragmatic
foreign policy based on shared values between Seoul, Washington and Tokyo
contrasted with his predecessor's diplomatic priority of sustaining the
Sunshine policy towards North Korea and maintaining a good relationship with
Beijing.
Lee's visit to China last week restored both the confidence in China-South
Korea relations and the balanced approach to major powers that Seoul seeks to
pursue. Lee not only went out of the way to highlight the importance of
bilateral ties but also changed his itinerary to visit Sichuan province and
show his personal sympathy to victims of the recent earthquake there and to win
the goodwill of his Chinese hosts.
A strategic and cooperative partnership suggests both a recognition of the
importance that both countries assign to their ties and a commitment to respect
each other's interests. There are additional shared interests and goals that
they can and should support.
Both value security and stability on the Korean Peninsula and a peaceful and
stable Northeast Asia, even as they both are committed to solving the North
Korean nuclear issue. What is most important is that Beijing and Seoul
understand that peace and stability can be achieved as much through diplomacy
and multilateral cooperation as by demonstrations of resolve. This common
understanding and shared priorities and tactics are most revealingly displayed
through the six-party talks.
The two countries also recognize that North Korea's internal change, with
assistance but without pressure, is key to the resolution of the nuclear issue.
Both have adopted policies that aim mostly to encourage rather than to punish
Pyongyang. These are more comprehensive and multi-dimensional approaches that
seek to address the root causes just as much as they are trying to deal with
the symptoms.
Perhaps the single biggest indicator of the rapid growth of bilateral relations
since 1992 is two-way trade, which reached US$145 billion in 2007, making China
South Korea's number one trading partner. Analysts have already projected
bilateral trade to grow to $200 billion by 2010. China has become the number
one destination for Korean investments, with $24 billion and over 18,000 South
Korean firms operating there. Chinese billboards are now filled with major
Korean name brands such as Samsung and LG.
Social and cultural ties are also growing. Close to six million Koreans and
Chinese exchanged visits in 2007 and Korean students, now some 60,000 strong,
constitute the largest foreign student body in China. At the same time, Korean
soap operas fill Chinese TV channels and Korean stars have become idols for
many young Chinese.
Still, beneath the surface of improving bilateral relations are undercurrents
of differences, disputes and even potential conflicts. Nationalism runs high in
both countries and sentiments can be easily stirred by different
interpretations of historical events and sovereignty claims. The Koguryo
dispute, concerning perspectives of an ancient power center in the area, is a
case in point. Seoul is also unhappy with Beijing's treatment and repatriation
of North Korean refugees. And it has always been suspicious of China's
two-Korea policy and its rather lukewarm support of Korean unification.
Beijing, on its part, is wary of Seoul's continuing alliance with Washington
and Lee's reversal of some aspects of his predecessors' Sunshine policy, which
could have negative impacts on North Korea. Meanwhile, Lee's conservative
credentials and his US-focused foreign policy raise questions about China-South
Korea cooperation on the North Korean nuclear issue.
These challenges aside, President Lee's visit has accomplished a number of
objectives. It served to reassure Beijing that despite his tilt towards the US
he considers China a key partner in regional affairs and an indispensable
player in the resolution of the North Korean nuclear issue.
This was also an occasion for him to become acquainted with his Chinese
counterparts. There is much room to further expand and strengthen bilateral
ties, especially in the economic sphere. China and South Korea, together with
Japan, could play an important role in promoting East Asian regionalism.
Lee's trip was a good beginning; much can be accomplished during his tenure if
both countries stay the course and reach for higher, but obtainable, goals.
Dr Jing-dong Yuan is director of East Asia Non-proliferation Program at
the James Martin Center for Non-proliferation Studies and associate professor
of International Policy Studies at the Monterey Institute of International
Studies.
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