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    Greater China
     Jul 14, 2012


SPEAKING FREELY
Bhutan as a model
By David Matthew

Speaking Freely is an Asia Times Online feature that allows guest writers to have their say. Please click here if you are interested in contributing.

Amid recent criticism of Scotland's Environment Minister Stewart Stevenson's unfavorable comparison of an independent Scotland to "impoverished" Bhutan, an argument about the unique nature and place of Bhutan in the world gets lost.

Bhutan is indeed impoverished and performs poorly by a whole host of standards, ranking in the bottom quartile on infant mortality for instance. In this light, Stevenson's words about Bhutan and Scotland seem willfully ignorant. Scotland aspires to

 

being part of an "arc of prosperity" in northern Europe and Bhutan is a country with 24% of the population living below the poverty line.

Obviously Bhutan is not a perfect or, in the minds of many, even a reasonable place to want to copy. Yet, Stevenson's points about Bhutan are not invalid - Bhutan is a tiny kingdom of approximately 600,000 people, but it is made much more influential than most entities of its size by virtue of being a sovereign state. It is also an energy exporter through its green hydropower projects, such as the joint Tala hydroelectric plant, which provides energy to the country's southern neighbor, India.

While energy is the largest export of Bhutan, perhaps its most famous export of is the Gross National Happiness (GNH) index, a tool and philosophy advocated by the government as a better measure of national prosperity than more conventional gauges such as gross national product. While index has been derided as silly or missing the point altogether, there is now a growing body of academic and policy-related work focusing on the idea of happiness as a valuable societal measurement.

The April 2012 United Nations' World Happiness Report as well as the recent Better Life Index, compiled by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), are both testaments to the underlying argument that a state is better measured along multiple metrics that emphasize culture and community alongside traditional ones. In fact the OECD says as much on its website: "There is more to life than the cold numbers of GDP and economic statistics."

The United Nations even went a step farther on June 29 by creating an International Day of Happiness that will annually be held on March 20, a diplomatic victory for the Bhutanese government, which pushed the UN to adopt this resolution. A cynical argument could be made that the sudden focus on happiness and other intangibles is the result of governments worldwide responding to poor economic performance and wishing to shift attention to other aspects of societal well-being.

However, if Bhutan were to care about things like GDP and growth, it would have plenty to brag about. The country has averaged around 8% GDP growth the past two years, a stabilized rate after declining from excessively high growth during the previous decade. The government is also a cautious steward of investment, with more than $700 million held in currency reserves.
Positive growth shouldn't mask deficiencies and economic policy remains an area where the government needs further development. The Royal Monetary Authority, the central bank of Bhutan, requires greater capacity to fulfill oversight functions for the market competition it is attempting to foster. Inflation is understandably high in light of economic growth, but the country's debt to GDP ratio is also high, above the United States and Spain. Additionally, while the government has taken admirable steps to address problems with resource allocation equity through block grants to districts, the Gini Coefficient for wealth disparity for the country is consistently in percent terms between high 30s and low 40s (By comparison, Denmark and Sweden score around 25%; the UK and New Zealand in the mid-30s.)

Even with these weaknesses, Bhutan is still a compelling case study in how a young democracy, landlocked and with few natural resources, attempts to better serve its citizens. From this standpoint, the kingdom is almost a laboratory of governance initiatives, regularly promoting some of the most progressive policies in not just Asia but the world.

Some recent such policy initiatives have included putting in place a weekly pedestrian day to alleviate traffic congestion and pollution, and reaffirming that 40% of the country's land will continue use as part of a conservation-oriented national park system. The government has also helped fund, through advertisements and national tenders, a pluralistic media, with 12 different newspapers (including seven in English), two news channels, and online news and social media sites for its tiny population.

In line with recent trends in New York, Denmark and other parts of Europe, the government has instituted Pigovian taxes (designed to apply, for example, where the social cost of a market activity is not covered by the private cost of the activity) and bans on imports as diverse as junk food, automobiles, and tobacco (with public smoking outlawed altogether). It has done this all while providing free healthcare and education for its citizens and within the larger framework of an agenda built around ecological responsibility and preserving the environment.

While the observer might be tempted to write these initiatives off as the eccentricities of a country on the fringe of global affairs, its policies and position are beginning to matter much more now that Bhutan and China have started to formalize relations. One of the key detriments to legitimacy for the Kingdom of Bhutan has been its inability to receive recognition by the majority of the world's powers, including the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council. Bhutan has largely toiled in the shadow of India, its giant neighbor with whom it shares close economic, military, and cultural ties. India has actively discouraged closer relations between Bhutan and China due in part to its own complicated relationship with Beijing.

After meeting with China's Premier Wen Jiabao, Bhutan's Prime Minister Jigmi Y Thinley confirmed at the end of the Rio+20 summit on June 22 that the two countries were planning to move forward to formalize relations "as soon as possible". This is a decision that benefits both parties - putting China in a position to further promote itself as a good neighbor and Bhutan in a position to better promote its message of holistic prosperity. It will additionally help Bhutan to diversify its external affairs away from the influence of India, meaning potentially more opportunities for cultural and economic trade linkages with regional and global actors.

Bhutan is still a country with poor infrastructure, a complicated business and investment atmosphere, almost non-existent industry, and an over-reliance on foreign financial and technical aid. But it is much more than simply a novelty anymore.

For regional neighbors like Pakistan, Myanmar and India, it is a democracy doing a lot of things better in terms of developing and implementing progressive policies. For the global community at large, it is a model of conservation and creative thinking. While Scotland may not aspire to a per capita GDP of $6,000 [1], it could do much worse than aspire to be a country on the forefront of progressive thought and action.

Note:
1. Bhutan's 2010 per capital GDP on a purchasing power parity basis was estimated at US$5,500.

David Matthew is an analyst for Sino-NK and is a regular contributor for NK News

(Copyright 2012 David Matthew)

Speaking Freely is an Asia Times Online feature that allows guest writers to have their say. Please click here if you are interested in contributing. Articles submitted for this section allow our readers to express their opinions and do not necessarily meet the same editorial standards of Asia Times Online's regular contributors.





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