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    Greater China
     Jul 20, 2012


Page 1 of 2
Comedy of errors in East China Sea
By Peter Lee

America's "pivot to Asia" has placed it out on a limb in the western Pacific.

It looks as though a lot of its stated strategic priorities are spurious.

There is no threat to freedom of navigation.

Support of an ASEAN+Japan united front vs the People's Republic of China (PRC) increases instability and makes a peaceful settlement of overlapping resource development and exploitation interests less likely.

And China's unproven submarine-based nuclear deterrent doesn't

 

look as if it's worth the effort to bottle it up in the PRC's coastal waters.

It looks like the dirty secret of US policy in the region is that it welcomes instability: a virtuous cycle of assertiveness and resentment that polarizes relations between the PRC and Vietnam, Japan and the Philippines, and pushes the tinier folk into the welcoming arms of the United States.

A clever policy.

But, as a noted philosopher once said, there's a fine line between clever ... and stupid.

We might be tiptoeing close to that line in the matter of Japan and the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands.

This story simply is not following the "China bullies innocent and helpless neighbor" script, either in the media or in the diplomatic arena formed by the US-Japan-China triangle.

First of all, it can be asserted with some confidence that the Senkakus, as Japan calls them, or Diaoyu Islands to the Chinese are not a core interest, historically or otherwise, of Japan but are a relatively recent imperial acquisition dating to its development of a modern blue-water navy that allowed it to project power beyond its coastal waters and colonize Taiwan. A quick glance at a map will persuade an impartial observer that these uninhabited rocks - 100 nautical miles from Kaohsiung but 500 miles away from Okinawa, let alone the Japanese main islands - fall into Taiwan's bailiwick.

Here's what one informed party recently declared:
Japan's arguments are based on a cabinet decision made in 1895 to incorporate the Senkaku Islands within Okinawa prefecture. While the statement is often made that the Senkakus are "Japan's inherent territory", can territory really be called inherent if it has only belonged to Japan for about 100 years?

On the other hand, it is clear from a historical standpoint that China extended military influence over the area around the Senkaku Islands from about the 14th century. China therefore argues that since the Senkakus are part of Taiwan and because Taiwan is a part of China, therefore the Senkakus belong to China.

Because Japan relinquished its territorial rights to the Chishima [Kuril] islands and Taiwan under the 1951 San Francisco Peace Treaty, China's argument cannot be described as completely baseless, even though there may be a difference of interpretation.

While this may be difficult for the Japanese to accept, they should first recognize that the Senkaku Islands are not Japan's "inherent territory", but a "disputed area".

This analysis was not proffered by China's Ministry of Foreign Affairs; it was provided to Asahi Shimbun by one Ukeru Magosaki, who "was a Foreign Ministry diplomat who served as director general of what was then the Intelligence and Analysis Bureau". [1]
The weakness of Japan's claim to these distant islands demands the most nuanced provocation to keep the focus on the PRC as the bad guy throwing his weight around.

A noteworthy example was 2010's Senkaku/Daioyutai dust-up over the matter of the collision of Chinese Captain Zhan Qixiong's fishing vessel with Japanese patrol boats.

Focus was successfully kept both on the hot-headed captain's initial transgression and the PRC's subsequent rare-earth-related shenanigans, while calculated escalation of the incident by Japanese cabinet minister Seiji Maehara (his decision to prosecute Zhan in a Japanese court in a deliberate provocation) was easily ignored, at least in the Western press.

This year's provocation is a little more difficult to spin: Tokyo Governor Shintaro Ishihara's campaign to purchase some of the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands from their private owner.

Maehara is a slick, pro-American neoliberal anxious to play Tony Blair in Asia and enable the US agenda in the region.

Ishihara is a right-wing, rising-sun racist of the old school (the polite term of art is "unrepentant nationalist"), previously best known for a piece of America-bashing titled The Japan That Can Say No and for denying the Nanjing Massacre. Ishihara is publicly and unapologetically using the island purchase to yank China's chain and generate some more political heat for his party faction and himself.

Japan's national government has been forced into the ridiculous position of getting in a bidding war with Ishihara, only to be told by the unknown private owner of the islands that Ishihara is the preferred buyer because the owner represents a family "with major land holdings that reportedly distrusts the central government because much of its land was seized by the state during and after World War II". [2]

Ishihara is gleefully refusing to back down from the central government, claiming that to do so would break faith with the Japanese nationalists who have already selflessly contributed the equivalent of US$17 million to the purchase fund. He further roiled the waters by declaring his desire to land a team on one of the Senkakus to examine the Tokyo governorate's expected future property, apparently because only an on-the-spot land survey could establish fair value for these uninhabited rocks.

This farce is not popular among Japan's foreign-policy specialists, among whom must be numbered its ambassador to China, ex-businessman Uichiro Niwa.

Niwa was recalled from Beijing for a day.

The New York Times' Martin Fackler described Niwa's recall as part of a strategizing session on the Senkaku/Diaoyu issue. [3]

In fact, Niwa was recalled for consultations to Tokyo because he was on record as questioning the island-purchase scheme and, according to Asahi Shimbun, it was necessary to bring him back to make sure he would loyally and professionally support a foreign-policy gambit he personally considers to be stupid.
The government instructed its ambassador to China to "accurately" convey to Beijing its stance that the disputed Senkaku Islands are Japanese territory and to protest repeated incursions by Chinese vessels into Japanese waters.

The move was intended to send a strong message to China and rein in Ambassador Uichiro Niwa for making comments that do not always reflect the government's position ...

Niwa, who is known for his pro-China stance, had been recalled to Tokyo earlier that day at [Foreign Affairs Minister Koichiro] Genba's instructions in what a senior ministry official described as a "diplomatic gesture".

Genba told Niwa it was his job to accurately relay the Japanese government's position to the Chinese side, sources said ...

Japan's stand is that there is no territorial dispute with China because the Senkaku Islands are part of Japanese territory. Therefore, the government says the question of purchasing the islets cannot be a diplomatic issue.

Genba on July 15 again reminded Niwa to toe the Japanese government's line and not speak out of turn. [4]
Under a different set of circumstances one might think that the United States would also pitch in, in its self-professed role as honest broker and guardian of the peace of the western Pacific, and communicate to Japan that the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands purchase scheme is embarrassing and counterproductive.

However, that would shift the focus from the evils of the would-be hegemons in Beijing to the has-been hegemons of Tokyo.

Currently, the Senkaku/Diaoyu purchase has been framed as strictly a Japanese internal matter, the transfer of title from a private owner to some lucky bureau of, it is hoped, the national government.

Not only China is being told to butt out; so is, perhaps much to its relief, the United States.

In keeping with the "internal matter" framing, Genba (whose name is also romanized as Gemba) explicitly rebutted press reports that the issue had been discussed between US Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton and Japan's leaders:
Foreign Minister Koichiro Gemba said Tuesday [July 10] neither he nor Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda spoke with US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton on the issue of the possible state purchase of some of the Senkaku Islands when Clinton visited over the weekend.

Gemba made the remark at a press conference, contradicting a senior US State Department official's reported remark that Clinton, during the visit, sought Tokyo's explanation about its plan to put some of the islands under state ownership [5]
Noda's government may be trying to "nationalize" the crisis in order to avoid "internationalizing" it, ie turning it into a football kicked among the US, Japan and China, to Japan's detriment.

However, Japan's pursuit of its own agenda of confrontation with the PRC is also part of a disturbing evolution - or devolution - in the geopolitical order in Asia. 

Continued 1 2  






Pragmatism warms Russo-Japanese relations (Jul 3, '12)

Tokyo eyes prime island real estate
(Apr 20, '12)


1.
Persian Gulf primed to explode

2. Sanctions derail diplomacy on Iran

3. Ford reverses from Philippines

4. The lily-pad strategy

5. Pakistan's courts take on the ISI

6. Japan tests China's eastern flank

7. ASEAN stumbles in Phnom Penh

8. Free Tibet movement goes high-tech

9. New carrier, new war scenarios

10. China pivots to Latin America

(24 hours to 11:59pm ET, Jul 18, 2012)

 
 



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