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    China Business
     Nov 7, 2006
The downside of China's level playing field
By Stephen Wong

SHANGHAI - As part of its commitment to World Trade Organization (WTO) accession, China must grant the so-called "national treatment" to foreign-invested businesses in the country, which means overseas and domestic enterprises will enjoy the same benefits and have the same responsibilities.

Granting "national treatment" for foreign companies means full access to the Chinese market like their domestic rivals. But that 



also means paying as much tax as their domestic counterparts.

China began to levy a 33% corporate income tax on both local and foreign businesses from 1994. But to lure foreign investment, the Corporate Income Tax Law, which applies only to foreign-invested companies, cuts their tax rate to 15% or less. Domestic companies, however, are governed by the Provisional Ordinance on Corporate Income Tax for Local Firms and have to pay the tax in full.

Since China's WTO entry in late 2001, Beijing has been gradually opening the market to foreign investors while preparing a reform to unify the two-tier corporate income taxes, paving the way for granting them "national treatment".

Now the five-year transitional period for WTO accession is almost over, during which foreign firms have been given greater access to the Chinese market but, to the disappointment of domestic enterprises, the income-tax regime has still not been reformed to make it more fair for domestic enterprises.

Before the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPC) convened to consider new legislation last month, China's official media claimed that legislation unifying income tax for foreign and domestic firms would be on the agenda.

But domestic business people were disappointed and angry once again as no draft legislation on tax reform was tabled. This means the reform will be postponed for at least another year, as there will be insufficient time to submit it for the legislature's annual session in March. So the earliest tax reform can be approved is early 2008.

"Various departments involved in tax unification [have] yet to reach an agreement on some key points," Hong Kong-based Ta Kung Pao newspaper quoted an unnamed NPC source as saying. "But decision-makers still plan to pass the reform plan within the term of this legislature" (which ends in March 2008.

Analysts believe Beijing may want to delay the reform to continue luring foreign capital into the country. But the delay is unfair to domestic businesses, they say. While foreign firms gain greater and greater market access, domestic firms have to pay as much as twice as much tax as their foreign rivals.

It has been widely reported that the unified corporate income tax would be between 24% and 27%. This means that tax paid by foreign firms' would rise by up to 12 percentage points, while the rate for domestic companies would drop by up to 9 points. It is also widely expected that foreign firms would be given a period of grace of three to five years.

China's preparation for tax unification started years ago. In August 2004, the Ministry of Finance and the State Administration of Taxation submitted a draft on tax unification to the State Council, with the hope of getting it endorsed by the legislature in 2005 to become effective from the beginning of this year.

But the reform did not go as smoothly as expected. Because of objections from foreign investors and growing concerns about a drastic decline in foreign-capital inflow, the reform initiative has been shelved from time to time.

Anxious domestic companies
The story of China's two dairy giants Yili and Mengniu, both based in Inner Mongolia, shows why domestic companies want the unified corporate income tax so badly.

In the first half of this year, Yili achieved revenue of 7.93 billion yuan (US$1 billion), about 380 million yuan more than its major rival Mengniu, a mainland-Hong Kong joint venture. But Yili's post-tax interim profit stood at 202 million yuan, only two-thirds of Mengniu's.

Pan Gang, Yili's board chairman, attributed the disparity to the different tax rates. While Yili paid 31% corporate income tax, Mengniu paid only 10%. "As a result, the profits of Yili are lower than its competitor's," said Pan.

The discriminative tax rates for domestic and foreign-funded companies may be disastrous for China's domestic banks, which will soon face fierce competition from foreign lenders as China is scheduled to open its banking sector fully by the end of this year.

Currently, China levies about 15% corporate income tax on most foreign-invested banks and about 33% on domestic banks, not to mention other incentives for foreign lenders. Already with a poorer performance than foreign-invested companies, the Chinese banks will be in an even weaker position against their foreign competitors if their tax rates are not reduced, Dr Li Hong from the Shanghai University of Finance and Economics told the media.

As China completes its transitional period for WTO accession this year and is expected to open its market further, many industries are facing the same problem as the banking sector.

While domestic businesses are anxiously awaiting tax unification, many local governments in China are not very happy with the reform, fearing China may lose its appeal to foreign investors. Foreign companies have also voiced their disagreement with the reform plan.

Soon after financial officials openly spoke in support of the unified tax in January 2005, 54 Fortune 500 multinationals with investment in China voiced objections.

The bigger obstacles come from the local governments, however, which are competing with one another to offer tax incentives to attract foreign investment, with the aim of creating more job opportunities and raising gross domestic product figures within their jurisdiction.

Most Chinese cities now waive the first two years' corporate income tax for foreign ventures and cut the tax by half for the next three years. Some cities offer more incentives. Take the southern Chinese municipality of Chongqing for example. According to a nine-year-old local policy, for a foreign-invested manufacturing enterprise planning to operate in Chongqing for over 10 years, the corporate income tax will be waived for the first six years and cut by half in the seventh to 10th years.

Local-government officials certainly have reasons to worry that abolishing such preferences would push the foreign investors to other areas or even to other countries with lower costs, especially as China's official tax rates are higher than most countries'.

China's tax rates are among the highest in the world. It levies a personal income tax of up to 45%, corporate income tax up to 33%, and a 17% value-added tax, although in practice many companies and individuals find ways to evade the taxes. In a "tax misery" score published in Forbes magazine last year, Beijing came second.

Fake foreign investment
The discriminative corporate tax system has also created other problems. One of them is to encourage local governments and domestic enterprises to introduce "fake" foreign investment in order to pay less tax.

Many local governments and domestic firms have set up shell companies in Hong Kong or other "tax paradises" and then use the shell companies to make investments back home.

It is difficult to tell how much of the foreign direct investment China receives each year comes from such "fake" sources.

According to figures from China's Ministry of Commerce, investment from the United States, Japan, and the European Union accounted for less than a quarter of the total foreign investment in China as of June.

In 2005, Hong Kong remained the No 1 foreign investor in mainland China, followed by the British Virgin Islands, a well-known tax paradise in the Caribbean.

The official newspaper China Business News quoted Mei Yuxin, a researcher with the Ministry of Commerce, as saying that at least one-third of the "foreign investment" in China was in fact made by overseas shell companies held by Chinese companies.

The rampant "fake foreign investment" has prompted the Chinese government to restrict Chinese citizens from setting up companies abroad, demanding that all such overseas-registered companies be reported to the relevant authorities. But it is doubtful whether this will be taken seriously.

Since treating foreign firms the same as domestic ones is part of China's commitment to its WTO accession, unification of the corporate-income-tax system is necessary and inevitable. Despite all the obstacles and opposition, it now appears to be just a matter of time before the reforms are implemented.

Stephen Wong is a Shanghai-based freelance writer.

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