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    China Business
     Jul 30, 2008
Page 2 of 4
CHINA'S DOLLAR MILLSTONE, Part 1
Breaking free from dollar hegemony
By Henry C K Liu

In a world order of sovereign nation states, the supranational nature of central banking will render it inoperative, as it can be and has been used as an all-controlling device for the world's rich nation to neutralize the sovereign rights of financially weak nations. In a democratic world order, central banking is also inoperative within national borders, as it can be used by a nation's rich as a device to deny the working poor of their economic rights. Central banking, in its support of dollar hegemony, operates internationally in opposition to the economic interests of sovereign nation states and domestically in opposition to the economic rights of the working poor by discrediting enlightened economic

 

nationalism as undesirable protectionism.

To preserve dollar hegemony, exporting economies that accumulate large dollar reserves through trade surpluses are forced by the US to revalue their currencies upward, not to redress the trade imbalance, which is the result of dysfunctional terms of trade rather than inoperative exchange rates, but to reduce the value, in foreign local currency terms, of US debt assumed at previously stronger dollar exchange rates. When commodities prices rise, it reflects a defacement of all fiat currencies led by the dollar as a benchmark. When the currency of another nation rises against the dollar, it does not mean that currency can buy more; it only means the dollar can buy less than what the appreciating currency can buy. This is why commodities prices have been rising in all currencies, albeit at different rates.

The bursting of the latest dollar-denominated debt bubble created a global credit crisis in August 2007 that is beginning to cause globalized trade to contract. Exporting economies around the world are now forced to reconsider their dysfunctional strategy of seeking growth through exports for fiat dollars that are pushing the world economy towards hyperinflation, leading all other fiat currencies in a depreciation race to the bottom.

China's high trade dependency
At the top of the list of exporting economies is China's. The country in 2006 registered an unwholesome trade-to-GDP (gross domestic product) ratio of 69%, with a per capita trade value of US$1,645. In 2007, China's nominal GDP was 24.66 trillion yuan, or $3.38 trillion at then exchange rate of 7.3 yuan to a dollar. The 2007 per capita GDP for the population of 1.32 billion was 18,655 yuan, or $2,556, translating to $9,711 on purchasing power parity (PPP) ratio of 3.8. If China's exports were to be redirected towards the domestic market, the country's 2007 per capita GDP on a PPP basis would have increased by $5,384 to $15,095, even not counting any stimulant multiplying effect. Chinese household consumption remains at a record low of 37% of GDP, the smallest ratio in all of Asia, due to low Chinese wages.

China's trade surplus fell 20% year-on-year in June 2008 to $21.3 billion because of a drop in export growth. In Chinese currency terms the drop is more due to a rise in its exchange rate against the dollar. Still, it was the biggest surplus since December 2007, which totaled $22.7 billion. Export value in June was $121.5 billion, 18.2% more than a year earlier but the growth rate was nearly 10 percentage points down from the May figure. Imports totaled $100.1 billion, up 23.7% from a year earlier. China's trade surplus with the US in June totaled $14.7 billion, 5% higher than 2007. The surplus with the EU, its biggest export market, was worth $13.2 billion, up 21.2% from 2007.

Chinese exports are slowing because of reduced global growth caused by a developing US recession, while imports are rising on the back of rising commodity prices. These figures are not inflation adjusted. However, they reflect the rising exchange value of the yuan. In other words, exports have been falling more in yuan terms. The fall in exports is expected to accelerate as no market analyst of worth is projecting any quick or sharp recovery in the US economy.

Going forward, the ratio of nominal-GDP to PPP-GDP can be expected to fall as China's domestic inflation rate continues to exceed the US inflation rate. This trend will gain momentum as China attempts to use its trade surplus denominated in dollars for domestic development, which requires it to issue more yuan into the Chinese money supply. And market pressure can be expected to push the yuan down against the dollar until the Chinese inflation rate is at parity with the US inflation rate.

But a falling exchange rate causes more domestic inflation from imports denominated in dollars; and rising domestic inflation adds pressure to a falling exchange rate in a downward spiral, preventing the yuan from rising against the dollar from market forces. That is the dysfunctionality of the yuan-dollar exchange rate regime in relation to the inflation rate differentials between the two economies, when the exchange rate is set by trade imbalance denominated in dollars. This dysfunctionality is cause by the flawed attempt to use exchange rates to compensate for dysfunctional terms of trade, which has been mostly caused by wage disparity.

Stagflation danger
Li Yining, a leading Chinese economist, former president of Guanghua School of Management at Beijing University and member of the Standing Committee of the 11th National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Conference, the country's political advisory body, opined in the Second Meeting of the Standing Committee on July 4, 2008, that China is facing a pressing challenge in preventing inflation from turning into stagflation - the dual evils of high unemployment along with high inflation - if market expectation concludes that Chinese policymakers will fail to insulate the economy from the developing global slowdown that is expected to deepen next year with no prospect of a quick recovery.

Overwrought anti-inflation macroeconomic measures by Chinese policymakers may cause investors to dump shares of companies in the export sector, putting these companies in financial distress and causing foreign capital to exit the Chinese economy to cause unemployment to rise in China. As China is unhealthily trade dependent, this will hurt domestic development and curb consumer spending.

Li argues that China should decelerate the pace of capital and foreign exchange decontrol within the context of an oncoming, protracted global economic slowdown to preserve the value of its huge foreign exchange reserves in yuan terms. He wants the government to avoid being misguided by the static concept of a fixed low inflation rate target of 3%. Rather, an inflation rate up to 60% of the economic growth rate should be permissible, meaning to allow an inflation rate at around 6% for a 10% growth rate.

China's inflation rate hit an 11-year high of 8.7% in February 2008 and eased to 7.7% in May, still high above the government-set goal of 3% annualized. Li points out that incoming economic data show that the Chinese economy is on a sound footing despite new challenges from abroad and at home, including the May 12 Sichuan earthquake and serious floods in the south. However, Li warned the government to avoid risks of stagflation in formulating macro policies going forward.

Li's advice is sensible. It serves no useful purpose to cause a collapse of the economy to fight inflation, as Paul Volcker did in the US in the1980s, making the cure worse than the disease. Still, Volcker was facing a 20% inflation rate in 1980, which might have justified drastic action. Yet Li should realize that under dollar hegemony, Chinese central bankers must try to keep the Chinese inflation rate target below 3% to stay on par with the dollar inflation rate target set by the US Federal Reserve, the head of the world's central bank snake. A 6% inflation rate in China would be more than triple the current inflation rate target set by the US central bank, the defender of dollar hegemony even as it allows the dollar's exchange rate to fall.

A Chinese inflation rate of 6%, as proposed by Li, would cause market forces to push the yuan down against the dollar, further exacerbating US-China trade tension and reviving protectionist pressure in the US. As China is being pressured relentlessly by the US to further revalue the yuan upward against the dollar, yuan interest rates must rise above Chinese inflation rates. At 6% interest rate for the yuan, the disparity with the dollar interest rate would cause hot money denominated in dollars to rush into China through "carry trade" to profit from interest rate arbitrage, betting on continuing Chinese government intervention to keep the yuan from falling against the dollar despite higher Chinese inflation.

With a 6% inflation rate, China will be forced to pay currency traders massive sums to defend an overvalued yuan dictated by US trade policy in contradiction of US Treasury policy of a strong dollar. That was how the Bank of England allowed itself to be broken by George Soros on Black Wednesday, September 16, 1992, when the British central bank attempted in vain to defend an overvalued pound sterling out of sync with its interest rate regime. It was also how the Hong Kong government was forced to execute its "incursion" into the equity market in August 1998 to defend the Hong Kong dollar's peg to the US dollar against market fundamentals.

China has been forced to take steps to offset the impact of the US Fed's easy money policy on the Chinese economy. The US Fed has cut the Fed funds rate target eight times since September 18, 2007 from 5.75% to 2% on April 30, and the discount rate nine times since August 17, 20007 from 6.25% to 2.25% on April 30. Although China's central bank has issued notes to absorb excess liquidity, market pressure still exists for the central bank to put more currency into circulation to add to already excessive liquidity. China's central bank has increased interest rates six times and the bank reserve ratio 15 times since 2007, but Shanghai interbank rates have increased only slightly, signaling major resistance to monetary policy.

LIBOR and SHIBOR
Assistant governor Yi Gang of the People's Bank of China (PBoC), the central bank, in a speech in the 2008Y SHIBOR (Shanghai inter-bank borrowing rate) Work Conference on January 11, 2008, outlined the role of SHIBOR, introduced a year ago as a benchmark rate for money market participants. At the initial stage of the index's launching, central bank promotion is deemed

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