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    China Business
     Nov 21, 2008
China's mega-buck banquet
By Stephen Wong

SHANGHAI - In China, the government's 4 trillion yuan (US$586 billion) economic stimulus package announced last week reminds people of massive state investment in infrastructure projects after the 1997 Asian financial crisis, only this time the scale is much bigger.

Another difference is that a decade ago, the then Chinese premier Zhu Rongji did not announce any overall "stimulus package" but just increased government investment each year during his office term (1998-2003) to offset the negative impact of the financial crisis.

But to repeat what Zhu did on a larger scale may not help the economy attain a more balanced development, as advocated by

 

President Hu Jintao with his concept of "scientific development".

Economists are concerned that the stimulus package or "new deal" will simply follow and even reinforce the old growth mode of relying on government investment. This mode encouraged economic growth after the Asian crisis but its shortfalls are obvious: industries boosted by heavy government investment became overheated, environmental pollution worsened, prices of resources jumped. So much so that Zhu's successor, Wen Jiabao, had to impose macro-economic controls shortly after he took over the reins.

Over the past year, China's economic growth has been powered by fixed-asset investment and exports. What China needs now is a true change of course - long-term sustainable growth supported by expanding domestic consumer spending, analysts say. In this regard, the stimulus plan may not be of help. Instead, it is likely to rely even more heavily on infrastructure investment to sustain growth.

The State Council announced the 4 trillion yuan stimulus package on November 9 after three interest rate cuts by the central bank had failed to revitalize the economy.

The 10-point stimulus plan covers low-income housing, rural infrastructure, transport infrastructure projects, medical care, education, environmental protection, technological innovation and disaster-relief. The central government will finance 30% of the package directly and the remaining funds will come from local governments, banks and companies.

While the plan did not say how much of the spending would be on new projects that are not already covered by the government budget, or how the money will be distributed among these areas, it is widely believed that transportation sectors such as construction of railways, highways and airports will be a priority. Relevant authorities are now competing to grab a bigger share of the cake. It is expected railways will take the lion's share.

"Following the Asian financial crisis, the state concentrated its investment on construction of highways to boost domestic demand. This time, the focus will be on building railways," He Huawu, chief engineer at the Ministry of Railways, told the media.
According to China's 11th Five-Year Plan (2006-2010), 1.2 trillion yuan will be invested during the period to extend the country's railway network by 20,000 kilometers, from 70,000km in 2005 to 90,000km in 2010. Beijing has already approved expansion of this plan, according to Yang Zhongming, head of the Ministry of Railways' Development and Planning Department.

To date, the State Council has approved construction of 23,000km of new railways under the 11th Five-Year Plan, with total investment of about 2 trillion yuan, Yang told the media last week.
Under the stimulus package, the state will approve construction of an additional 10,000km of new railways in 2009 with total investment of about 1 trillion yuan, according to Yang. He said railway construction next year, which will consume 20 million tonnes of steel, 120 million tones of cement and provide 6 million jobs, will contribute 1.5 percentage points to the country's growth in gross domestic product.

That therefore means at least 1 trillion yuan from the stimulus package will go to railways.

In competition, the Ministry of Communications announced an ambitious plan to invest 980 billion yuan on average each year in the next five years to build new highways across the country, including in the vast countryside, and ports. That proposal has yet to be approved by the State Council (cabinet).

Although China has striven for a market-oriented economy in the past 30 years, such state-driven investment projects have been a major impetus to economic growth.

While the "new deal" includes spending more on aid to farmers and the poor, and increasing personal incomes, few details or financial figures have yet been forthcoming. There is no tax break for individuals, even though individual income tax accounts for about 6.5% of state revenue.

The stimulus package has both good and bad implications for companies. Manufacturers in particular will benefit from long-awaited tax reform, which is expected to save corporations 120 billion yuan. However, the large scale of investment on infrastructure risked further damaging the environment and enhancing government monopolies in certain industries, according to Ma Guangyuan, an economist with the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS).

"The 'new deal' does not stray away from the old path of boosting the economy with government investment in infrastructure," Ma commented in an article published by the influential Southern Metropolis Daily.

China produces more than it can consume, and the overcapacity in some industries will become more obvious as exports slump in the global economic downturn. Heavy new investment might worsen overcapacity of certain industries such as steel and cement, the Southern Metropolis Daily said in its editorial.

The huge state investment "will certainly squeeze out some private investors", Yuan Gangming, an economist at Tsinghua University, said in an interview with the International Finance News. "But from a long-term perspective, private investors, rather than the government, should be the driving force of the economic growth."

Fear of corruption
There are also fears that government-run projects will breed corruption, as in the construction boom after 1998. In China, government-funded infrastructure is considered a "high-risk" area in regard to official corruption because officials have the power to handle land requisition and construction contracts.

The central government has ordered the stimulus plan to be implemented "promptly" - the 4 trillion yuan has to be spent by 2010. The first installment of about 100 billion yuan for this year has already been allocated to 11 central government departments.
"The money is required to be spent within the remaining 100 days of this year. Governments at various levels have to race time to spend the money," the International Financial News reported, quoting an unnamed official with the National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC), which oversees the allocation of investment funds.

Since the plan was announced, officials from far and wide and from numerous departments have lobbied the NDRC for a share of the package. In China, a local official's promotion is linked to the economic growth of the area under his jurisdiction, and so it's crucial for officials to attract as much investment as possible to their regions. Chinese media described the stimulus money as a "trillion-yuan banquet" for the lobbying officials.

Fearing that some of the money might end up in the pockets of corrupt officials, the Central Commission for Disciplinary Inspection, the country's top anti-graft watchdog, has set up six inspection teams, which will make alternative trips to the provinces to ensure the funds are properly spent. The teams are now making their inspections in six provinces - Guangdong, Hainan, Shandong, Anhui, Guizhou and Qinghai.

The public and the government have good reasons to be cautious - corruption is rampant in China's government-run projects. At least 10 minister-level officials ended up in prison for corruption in the construction spree following the 1997 financial crisis.

On the Internet, people joked that the central government should give the 1.3 billion citizens 3,000 yuan each rather than give the money to officials, whom they said would certainly embezzle it.

Weak consumer spending
China's strong economic growth has been based on exports and investment at the expense of consumer consumption. Although consumer spending is rising at a faster speed than the GDP, its percentage of GDP is actually declining. In 1997, China's household spending accounted for 45.5 % of GDP, but in 2007 the figure contracted to 35.4 %, official statistics show.

Last year, the value of exports was equivalent to 37.5% of GDP, up from 19.2% in 1998. The country's growing production capacity has been absorbed by exports. The high-degree dependence on exports makes the economy fragile in the face of global financial crises.

Growth in industrial production in October fell to its lowest level since 2001. Output grew by 8.2% year-on-year, down from September's 11.4%, official figures show. A report by Citigroup economist Ken Peng said that was a bigger, faster decline than any month during the Asian financial crisis a decade ago.

Signs of China's economic slowdown were seen even before the global financial crisis. Increasing prices of property and resources, and labor costs, as well as a worsening environment, showed that the old growth pattern was no longer sustainable.

In the interview with the International Finance News, Yuan Gangming said, "Despite the large scale of the infrastructure spending, if domestic consumption is not truly activated, the macro-economy will probably experience another cycle of rising and declining."

China has been trying hard to raise consumer spending in the past decade, but with a big wealth gap and without a sound social welfare net, many families still have little to spend and most save 20% or more of their incomes to pay for healthcare and retirement.

"The quick fix is infrastructure spending, building up railroads and other things," Frank F X Gong, chief Asia economist for JP Morgan Chase & Co, was quoted by The Associated Press as saying. "But then the key thing is to stimulate consumption by building up the necessary social infrastructure."

To a large extent the current stimulus plan reminds people of China's stimulus plan following the 1997 Asian crisis. Zhu pumped money into infrastructure construction with a focus on highways. To raise the funds needed, the Chinese government issued bonds worth about 700 billion yuan during Zhu's five-year term. Investment in construction of new express highways increased each year during the period.

As a result, the length of new highways built was 1,741km in 1998, 2,872km in 1999, 4,350km in 2000, 3,000km in 2001, 5,583km in 2002 and 4,600km in 2003. By end of 2003, total length of China's express highways was 29,800km.

But China is facing a different reality now. Many industries are already in a state of overcapacity, which is expected to get worse as exports slump.

China should take the current financial crisis as a chance to restructure its growth mode, reducing its reliance on exports and investment while increasing consumer spending.

The stimulus package makes some efforts toward this goal. It sets out an intention to build more low-income housing, to boost farmers' income, to better finance education and healthcare. With public concern about the high costs of housing, education and medical care prompting them to spend, and the low income of the country's hundreds of millions of farmers, government action to lower these costs could encourage people to spend more on other goods and services.

But the package mentions no concrete measures in these areas, and people have yet to see how substantial the efforts might be. If this opportunity is not grabbed, China may face even bigger problems in the near future than now.

Stephen Wong is a freelance journalist based in Shanghai.

(Copyright 2008 Asia Times Online (Holdings) Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us about sales, syndication and republishing.)


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