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    China Business
     Mar 6, 2009
Page 2 of 4
OBAMA, CHANGE AND CHINA, Part 1
The song stays the same

By Henry C K Liu

emerged that to arrest the deterioration of US global influence, multilateralism needed to be restored and the transformational diplomacy agenda needed to be adjusted and replaced with a policy of peaceful cooperative coexistence between countries with different socio-economic-cultural-political systems.

The view of an inevitable clash of civilizations mindlessly embraced by US neoconservatives as a basis for US foreign policy formulation has had its validity disproved by events. At the same time, blind faith in unregulated markets was being recognized as the fundamental cause of the financial/economic crisis.

Yet multilateralism cannot be restored unilaterally and peaceful

 

coexistence cannot be achieved by a militant transformational diplomatic agenda. The current global financial crisis has its genesis in the globalized US finance sector. The solution requires the application of transformationalism not to foreign economic/political systems disapproved by the US, but to predatory global neoliberal market capitalism engineered by US financiers that have inflicted more damage to the US than any foreign enemy or terrorist group.

Greenspan fell into trap set by Bin Laden
While the Federal Reserve, the US central bank, under Alan Greenspan began its emergency monetary rescue of the equity market in response to the 1987 crash as a one-off emergency measure, it was the 9/11 terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center in 2001 that pushed Greenspan to adopt a permanent accommodative monetary stance to show that the US economy could survive terrorist threats. A continuous accommodative monetary policy became the underlining factor enabling the monetary excesses that led to the credit crisis that finally broke out in July 2007.

If the ultimate objective of the 9/11 terrorists on the symbolic World Trade Center in New York in 2001 was to topple the US financial system, it seemed to have succeeded spectacularly within six years. The US, in its aftermath frenzy of collective rage, appeared to have fallen right into the self-destructive trap set by al-Qaeda. Any good policy chief knows that it is more effective to focus on capturing a specific perpetrator who has killed a cop than to declare war on all criminals out of vengeance. A general war on crime will unite all criminals to make it easier for the specific perpetrator to escape policy capture. A global war on terrorism will likewise unite terrorists of al persuasion. This is the reason why Osama bin Laden has so far escaped capture.

Since mid-2007, unregulated global non-bank financial markets, having been fueled to the point of implosion by the Fed's easy-money regime, have experienced abrupt meltdowns that have flowed back into the largely deregulated banking system. Led by US financial "innovations", the global banking system, having been pushed by neoliberals to privatize even in many socialist countries over the last decade, is being nationalized in every country active in world trade through government bailouts.

In the US, the freewheeling investment banking regime has gone out of existence since the autumn of 2008, being folded back into bank-holding companies in order to qualify for central bank funding. Unregulated market fundamentalism is now dependent entirely on government life support. The global financial system is under intensive care in every interconnected market economy around the world. Since the effectiveness of US foreign policy is predicated on US economic prowess, setbacks in the US financial and economic system directly impact US influence in the world.

Economic nationalism
Since government bailout funding is sourced essentially from taxpayer money, government intervention is inseparably attached to economic nationalism. Even though most mainstream economists and policymakers continue to oppose anything that hints of "protectionism" as against "US national interests", the massive US stimulus bill put forward by the Obama administration predictably contains a "buy American" clause. Free-trade supporters such as the Consumer Electronics Association warn that "buy American" provisions in the economic stimulus bill could make the US vulnerable to a global trade war.

Obama has said that "we can't send a protectionist message" in the stimulus bill, or convey to trading partners "that somehow we're just looking after ourselves and not concerned with world trade." The Senate softened the "buy-American" provision in the stimulus bill it passed by stipulating that any government procurement policies comply with World Trade Organization rules. Yet US transnational business interests argued that the language favoring American producers should have been removed altogether.

Yet it is clear that the world economies cannot rely on trade to get out of the current crisis because over-reliance on trade was the cause of the crisis. The export economy over-exported to earn dollars that could not be spent at home, and the import economy, namely the US, over-imported by going into massive debt denominated in fiat dollars that the central bank supplied freely. Deregulation and asset-price inflation were the only US exports for the past decade. Now, in a panic of government intervention, the stimulus package of every government is aiming to maximize national multiplier effects of its fiscal spending. Every government is registering its opposition to regressive protectionism while they adopt policies of economic nationalism.

The need for a global income policy
The anti-trade game of beggar thy neighbor in a race to bottom for wages is changed to a race to the top for maximizing national multiplier effects of stimulus spending. Yet no Western government has yet considered the dire need for an income policy to cure the demand-deficiency problem behind the current crisis. All stimulus programs are focusing disproportionately on bailing out private businesses to help them survive by laying off workers or reducing wages and benefits. This type of stimulus is a key component of a downward spiral of economic stagnation that will last for at least a decade.

The Economic Policy Institute (EPI), a pro-labor Washington think tank, issued a "Statement on Economic Recovery Package" on February 12, 2009, with a warning to "make no mistake - the economy is in such a dramatic free fall that this legislation by itself will not prevent additional job loss or rising unemployment. Nevertheless, reducing the loss of jobs can prevent a catastrophic loss of income and economic opportunity that could affect every segment of our society and be especially painful for the low-income and minority communities that are most vulnerable. This package will save or create at least three million jobs over the next three years, and that will be a major achievement."

EPI economist Jared Bernstein, a vocal critic of anti-labor aspects of free trade, has been appointed to a new post in the vice president's office as chief economist and economic policy adviser to Vice President Joseph Biden, providing a strong advocate for labor in the Obama White House. Yet Bernstein's appointment contrasts with the more centrist free-trade views of many of Obama's top economic advisers, who were mostly alumni from the Clinton era whose policies were largely responsible for the mess today.

EPI senior international economist Robert E Scott asserts in an article on the EPI website that the "buy-American" rule in the stimulus bill is smart policy that would not run afoul of any of US trade treaties, arguing that "when domestic industries have been injured by unfair trade practices, protecting them is good policy". Scott points out that "some of the loudest protests about buy-American provisions have come from self-interested American companies like Caterpillar and General Electric that manufacture overseas. Foreign ministers from China and Russia, which haven't signed the procurement codes, have also complained, but these countries simply want something for nothing. Giving them access to stimulus spending will dilute the impact of the recovery bill and eliminate all incentives for them to sign the codes."

Ohio Democratic Senator Sherrod Brown said:
The American people have been willing to reach deep into their pockets and spend tens of billions of dollars to build roads, repair bridges and construct water and sewer systems. And all that they want is that the work be done by Americans and that the materials they use are made in America. Who could be against that? Well, some Ivy League economists don't like it - something about Smoot-Hawley and the Great Depression. And newspaper publishers pontificate about free-trade theory, as they see their advertisers flee and their papers shrink. And the corporate executives of some of America's largest corporations tell us it will cause a trade war, as they collect million-dollar bonuses while laying off American workers and outsourcing jobs to China and India. These are not people who are about to lose their jobs to bad trade policy. Other than this small, shall we say elite group, you could search far and wide and find almost no one who thinks "Made in America" is a bad idea.
Since tax money comes largely from workers whose jobs are on the line, the senator's view is incontestable.

Yet barely a decade into the 21st century, with a globalized neo-liberal trade regime firmly in place in a world where the market economy has become the norm due to dubious US ideology backed by US financial power, protectionism appears to be fast re-emerging and possibly igniting a new global trade war of complex dimensions, as market fundamentalism has brought on what may well be the greatest economic crisis in recent history.

The irony is that this new trade war is being launched not by the poor economies that have been receiving the short end of the trade stick, but by the US, which on all counts has been winning more than it has been losing from global neo-liberal trade, with the European Union following suit in lockstep. Japan, of course, has never let up on protectionism and has never taken competition policy seriously.

Workers in every country have all, in their separate ways, been victimized by deregulated global market fundamentalism. The current financial/economic crisis cannot be solved without introducing a new world economic order that sets the raising of working wages as the priority goal of reform and restructuring to raise demand to redress overcapacity. In short, a global income policy is urgently needed.

Chinese economic policy at a crossroad
Alas, led by the US, most government bailouts and stimulus programs around the world thus far are formulated on a model of giving taxpayer money to corporate employers so they can further cut employment and further push down wages to further weaken consumer demand. China appears to be the only exception of this trend since the reins of leadership were passed to Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao in 2002, albeit there are still vocal forces in Chinese policy debates insisting on continuing to follow faulty US models of growth through deregulated markets, and to depend on exports to achieve prosperity. Hopefully, facts will now silence these wrongheaded vocal voices and allow China to finally move on a path of balanced domestic development.

The rich nations need to recognize that their efforts to squeeze every last drop of advantage out of an already unfair trade regime will only plunge the world into deep depression. History has shown that while the poor suffer more in economic depressions, the rich, even as they are financially cushioned by their wealth, are hurt by political repercussions in the form of either war or revolution, or both. Already, reports of social protests are appearing around the world. (See The coming trade war and global depression, Asia Times Online, June 16, 2005)

The current economic crisis is a manifestation of the dysfunctionality of the unregulated global financial system promoted by US neoliberalism. US transformationalism under George W Bush was aimed at transforming the entire world by "enlarging" US-style democracy through opening up national markets everywhere for US transnational corporations. US policy on China aimed at accelerating the push on the Chinese economy towards unregulated market fundamentalism through "peaceful evolution", a strategy entertained by all US administrations, regardless of the structural adverse impact such evolution would have on the socio-political stability in China. This strategy is futile because the Chinese socialist revolution cannot be manipulated to self-destruct merely to enhance US global national interests.

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