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    China Business
     Jun 10, 2009
Page 2 of 2
China discovers value in the IMF
By Peter Lee

During US Treasury Secretary Geithner's recent visit to China, Yu Yongding took him to task, as Bloomberg tells us:
The US should take China's interests into consideration "so that your own interest can be protected," Yu said. "You should not try to inflate away your debt burden." China could still diversify some of its Treasury holdings into euros or commodities, Yu added.
"Yes, some people say the euro is very weak," Yu said. "Okay, weak is good, we'll buy very cheap."
The best outcome for China would still be to negotiate with the US and reach agreement on its Treasury holdings, Yu said. "The borrower should keep their promises," he added. "The US should be a responsible country."
China is, one would imagine, guardedly hopeful that the Barack

 

Obama administration will be able to fix the US economy, cut the deficit down to reasonable size, and get international trade (and Chinese exports) humming again.

But it also doesn't want to be under the US gun and be forced to buy Treasury bills to finance a yawning deficit simply because Beijing has no place else to put its money. So China is looking for options, and not just the euro threat that Yu wielded.

A roundtable of Chinese economists convened on the occasion of Treasury Secretary Geithner's visit this month expressed the majority view that holding US bonds was risky, and advised the careful, long-term diversification of dollar holdings into "tangible and strategic commodities," equities and bonds, and through overseas mergers and acquisitions.

In addition, China is pursuing several avenues for decreasing dollar exposure that involve utilizing and repurposing the primary supranational financial institution - the IMF. Somewhat opportunistically, China proposed that the IMF sell off 400 tons of gold in order to finance its operations. One of the main likely purchasers of that much gold would, of course, be China, which recently surpassed Switzerland as the world's fifth-largest holder of gold reserves.

Nudging IMF away from dollar
In a development of considerably more long-term significance, China is also trying to nudge the IMF into creating large-volume and liquid internationally tradable financial instruments that are not dollar-based.

China's stated interest in funding the IMF's emergency fund through a $40 billion bond purchase is bound up in the suddenly not-so-arcane issue of Special Drawing Rights. In March, the president of the People's Bank of China, Zhou Xiaochuan, proposed that the world should look at transitioning from the US dollar to the SDR as a reserve currency.

The SDR is a little-used fiat currency that the IMF is authorized to issue. It is based on a basket of currencies: at present, the US dollar accounts for 44%, the euro 34%, the British pound 11% and the Japanese yen 11%.

Since the SDR is a universally accepted international financial instrument whose value does not rely on solely on the dollar, the Chinese are interested in it as a chance to hedge, albeit partially, against a potentially tanking dollar.

Zhou invoked John Maynard Keynes, who proposed a supranational currency at the time of the Bretton Woods conference in 1944 as the most logical, multi-polar solution to international settlement of accounts. However, Mr Zhou probably derives his enthusiasm for the SDR from philanthropist George Soros and economist Joseph Stiglitz, enthusiastic cheerleaders for the SDR, rather than from a close reading of Mr Keynes.

Both Soros and Stiglitz consider the US dollar an inappropriate currency for the international settlement of accounts because of the vast deficits the US has been running.

Foreign governments with a surplus of dollars find that the only safe haven of any size is the US Treasury market, so that the world economy is, in effect, doing business in order to subsidize US deficit spending. Shifting toward a new international currency, such as the IMF's SDR, would tie currency creation to actual terms of trade instead of to the US deficit; the US government would be forced to live within its means; developing countries would invest their SDRs in development projects instead of Treasuries; and nirvana would ensue shortly.

China's floating of the SDR issue provoked a spasm of terror on America's far-right wing, which raised the specter of a new world currency supplanting the dollar inside the United States. Among mainstream economists, the general response has been that replacement of the dollar by the SDR in international settlements is "not gonna happen".

Despite professions of bafflement and scorn from Western economists, the prospect of SDR bonds has elicited strong interest from all the BRIC countries, especially Russia - an indication that people who actually run economies rather than simply talk about them find the SDRs a potentially valuable and significant development.

Indeed, the evolving relationship between the IMF, the SDR, and China offers some interesting wrinkles. The potential creation of SDRs is connected to the "New Arrangements to Borrow" (NAB) - the initiative announced at the Group of 20 summit to increase the IMF's ability to lend by $500 billion.

The NAB is designed to be pain- and cost-free: a pre-emptive show of financial force modeled on the guarantees the US government is providing to American financial institutions, in this case demonstrating that the IMF was backed by an additional $500 billion in commitments.

The purpose is to convince the financial markets that banks and markets in target countries are backed by ample resources from the IMF and are viable, so that credit will ease and lending resume - without the IMF (or its backers) having to actually disburse the cash.

The philosophy was recently put on display in Poland, which received a $20 billion commitment - not $20 billion - from the IMF as an expression of confidence in its reasonably healthy economy and financial sector.

The proposed $100 billion contribution to the NAB proposed by President Obama at the Group of 20 meeting isn't cash either - it's a credit line, to be drawn if and when the IMF needs it. Japan has already provided a similar $100 billion facility.

Cash - not credit
Interestingly, the BRIC countries aren't interested in offering a credit line, despite the seemingly attractive possibility that it might never be called on. They want to expend hard cash to lend money to the IMF today - by buying bonds - and get some of those diversified SDRs in return.

Surprisingly, the dominant force in the IMF - the Obama administration - does not appear hostile to the SDR.

Obama's economic brain, Office of Management and Budget director Peter Orszag, is a follower of Stiglitz. There are signs that the Obama administration accepts the idea that being able to fund US deficits through creation of international fiat currency creates a moral hazard, and that China's desire to move away from the dollar is understandable and, from a macroeconomic point of view, perhaps even desirable.

Whether the NAB facility and the coveted SDRS ever materialize will be decided by running the gauntlet of the US Congress. Unfortunately, the Obama administration seems to be recapitulating, rather disastrously, its missteps on the closing of Guantanamo.

The remaining $400 billion in support is contingent on the US coming up with its $100 million - just as, in the case of the Guantanamo closure, Europe was going to take Uyghur detainees if the US took a few.

The White House has not been able to frame or sell the IMF credit line very effectively. Domestic consensus building has largely been limited to the release of a letter from the Bretton Woods Association - albeit with an impressive bipartisan list of signatories including Henry Kissinger, Condoleezza Rice, Paul Volker, Brent Scowcroft, Colin Powell, and Robert Rubin - urging arrangement of the credit. [1]

Instead of simply defining the $100 billion as a credit, Orszag awkwardly characterized it for budget purposes as a low-risk swap of assets whose risk, if it took place, had a 5% risk of default, that is a budgetary cost of $5 billion. [2]

In order to speed approval of the credit line, the IMF credit line was tacked on to the Supplemental Appropriation for the Iraq and Afghan wars. The Senate passed the appropriation but House Republicans have seized on the issue - as they did the case of Guantanamo prisoners - as a way to defeat Obama both domestically and in the eyes of the international community.

It looks like the NAB issue will be misleadingly painted as a $100 billion giveaway to bail out Old Europe and a profanation of the sacred cause of funneling $98 billion to deserving troops and contractors without distracting amendments.

The White House's efforts to whip the bill through the House of Representatives are complicated by liberal anti-war and anti-IMF activists' attempt to add about 40 Democratic "no votes" to the Republicans' and defeat the Supplemental.

The Obama administration will have to decide if it is worth expending its political capital to fight for the rather remote and abstract imperative of a contingency fund for the IMF. If it doesn't, the entire refinancing of the IMF may go down the tubes.

For the purposes of China, the NAB will offer an interesting possibility if it goes ahead. If the credit was drawn down, the US would be holding IMF securities denominated in SDRs - which it could sell to China. Likewise for the Japanese $100 billion and, presumably, the other credit lines. And those proposed bonds will be denominated in SDRs also.

Half a billion dollars in SDR-denominated securities is not going to topple the US dollar from its throne as the world's reserve currency. But it would provide a significant haven for a chunk of China's US dollar reserves - now north of $1.5 trillion - if and when Beijing decides that it wants to decrease its exposure to the dollar.

And it would give China a compelling reason to support the survival of the IMF - and the continued creation of SDRs.

Notes
1. To view the document, click here.
2. See http://cboblog.cbo.gov/?p=270

Peter Lee writes on East and South Asian affairs and their intersection with US foreign policy.

(Copyright 2009 Asia Times Online (Holdings) Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us about sales, syndication and republishing.)

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