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    Front Page
     Feb 8, 2005
BOOK REVIEW
Abraham's promise and American power
Abraham's Promise by Michael Wyschogrod, edited by R Kendall Soulen

Reviewed by Spengler

American Christianity is personal rather than political, in contrast to the Protestant Separatism that founded the United States. The evangelicals who now comprise nearly half of the US electorate entered the political arena with reluctance. Except for the institutions it built, nothing remains of the New England Puritanism that brought to a New Promised Land a New Chosen People. Only the words etched into the marble of Abraham Lincoln's memorial remain of the biblical politics that guided the Union side of America's Civil War. For that reason, I have maintained, it is misguided to think of Americanism as a religion.

Not until I read Michael Wyschogrod's new book Abraham's Promise did it occur to me the long-departed spirit of American Puritanism might once again become flesh. US evangelicals might awaken one morning as a New Israel not merely in metaphor, but self-aware as a New Chosen People in a New Promised Land. The most paranoid imagining about the Christian Right pales beside this prospect. We are talking about the real thing, not a Straussian imitation: a politicized Protestantism in the mold of the 17th-century Separatists. A "Judaizing heresy" made the United States of America possible to begin with, I have argued on other occasions, and Professor Wyschogrod argues a strong case for the evangelicals to Judaize yet again. I do not know whether Wyschogrod anticipates the strategic consequences of his theology, and rather doubt that this is the case, but it is no less radical for absence of intent.

On the surface, his innovation is a way for Christians to think of themselves as a special case of Judaism. That is only the conning tower of his submarine, however. The intellectual resources of US evangelicals have not grown in step with their membership, and the movement is ripe for a re-examination. Wyschogrod provides them with a biblical (as opposed to a philosophical) framework to "understand itself ... [by] coming to terms with the Judaism within it". To a movement founded on the premise of Scripture alone, this may constitute an offer the evangelicals cannot refuse.

Wyschogrod has drawn some jeers from co-religionists (including the neo-conservatives at Commentary magazine), but sympathetic interest from Protestant theologians. To one of them, R Kendall Soulen, a professor at Wesley Theological Seminary in Washington, DC, we owe the present volume and a helpful introduction.

An uninvited thought crosses my mind that this might be one of the most important books of the 21st century. Not since the 17th century could anyone make such a statement in earnest about a work of theology. But in the presence of a single superpower, the chief strategic issue of the 21st century is whether the West has the will to continue living. Islam will have assimilated childless Western Europe by the end of the century. If America follows Europe into nihilism, the 21st century will go out in fair imitation of the 5th. That is why the evangelical mind will be the great issue of the next decade or two.

If millions of people over thousands of years say "Amen" to a religious doctrine, it must be that this doctrine is woven into the fabric of their lives such that they cannot live without it in peace. Alone among the peoples west of the Indus, the Jews believe themselves to be eternal by virtue of Abraham's covenant with God, such that Jewish life itself is a remedy against death. Jews express this by speaking of God's presence, or indwelling, in Israel - not an abstract Jewish soul, Wyschogrod observes, but the real Israel of flesh as well as spirit.

Christians derive from innumerable peoples most of whom now are extinct, and all of whom one day will be extinct - as Gentiles, that is, as individuals defined by the nation of their birth, Gentiles are subject to death, that is, to mortal sin; that is why no Christian has difficulty with the doctrine of original sin while no Jew can make sense of it. Christians cannot transcend the death of their kind except by the resurrection of their flesh, for which the resurrection of Jesus stands surety. No one can come to the Father - the god of the Jews - except through the Son, for it is the resurrection of the Son that persuades the Christian that his life will persist beyond the extinction of his gentium. No one except the Jews themselves, Franz Rosenzweig added, because they do not need to come to the Father, as they already are with Him.

Wyschogrod argues that if God is present in Jewish flesh as well as spirit, then He is incarnate in the Jewish people, which, in its own view, constitutes God's dwelling-place on Earth. Christianity, he continues, merely condenses the Indwelling of the Divine Presence among the Jewish people into God's incarnation in a single Jew, namely Jesus of Nazareth.

Nor could the God of Israel penetrate the Gentile world in any other fashion, Wyschogrod adds. The Jews churlishly reject the idea that God might choose anyone else. "The Church's claim of being the new people of God ... is, from the Jewish point of view, another example of the nations' protest against the election of the stock of Abraham." But just what god do the Jews believe they are dealing with? "The Christian is addressed by the God of Jesus who is the God of Abraham."

This god is a god of covenants; he relates himself to a people through a covenant that makes that people his people and him their god. Access to this god is only through a covenant by means of which a people becomes the people of God; once this is perceived, the Church arises as the people of a new covenant. Christianity, therefore, expresses the longing of those not included in the Covenant with Israel for election by the God of Israel.

A subtle premise underlies this argument. Christianity in the past argued that "its election superseded that of the old Israel". Wyschogrod explains:
Israel must, of course, reject this view. All attempts to transform its election into a universal election of all people in faith can be interpreted by Israel only as the beginning of that movement towards the universal which, fully developed, culminates to the universal truth of a philosophy antithetical to the concreteness of the God of Abraham.
Readers might wish to compare an essay on the subject of Jewish vs Christian concept of divine love by Rabbi Meir Soloveitchik of New York City, currently posted in the current issue of Azure magazine (www.azure.org.il). The philosophical view of love one finds in St Thomas Aquinas recasts the biblical god into a sort of Aristotelian prime mover, who loves spontaneously and universally, without cause or provocation. This is quite different from the god who loves Abraham first among all men, and extends that love to Abraham's descendants. The Thomist view is universal and philosophical, the biblical view concrete and historical. American Christianity hangs in the balance between the philosophical, or European, view and the biblical, that is, the American view. I believe that Wyschogrod has fanned a gentle wind in the direction of the scales, which ultimately will tilt the balance, by offering to American evangelicals a common biblical framework in which Christian and Jew can understand themselves as adherents of a common scripture. In that respect he stands in the tradition of Soren Kierkegaard (the subject of his doctoral dissertation) and Karl Barth, of whom he is perhaps the only admirer among Orthodox Jewry.

The sacrifice that Wyschogrod offers upon the altar of Judeo-Christian harmony is none other than Maimonides, the towering Medieval philosopher of Judaism. To make way for a mystical notion of God's indwelling among Israel, Wyschogrod must do battle with the Greek philosophical outlook that caused Maimonides to insist that God cannot be corporeal. Professor Soulen, the volume's editor, places at the front a ruthless critique of Maimonides, titled "The One God of Abraham". I have posted some extracts of Wyschogrod's article on the Asia Times Online Forum under the thread "Spengler's Free Will Mistake", in case readers wish to pursue the matter further. It is worth nothing that for Leo Strauss, the intellectual leader of the neo-conservatives, Maimonides represented the peak of Jewish thinking, that is, a form of thinking so philosophical as to cease to be Jewish. Wyschogrod's rejection of Maimonides represents something radically different, and a matter of extreme controversy among Jewish scholars.

An attack on Maimonides, by the way, also threatens St Thomas Aquinas, the mainstay of Catholic philosophy. Although Wyschogrod addresses much of his thinking to the Catholic Church, it seems unlikely that the Vatican would view him as anything but a threat. I hasten to say that I do not agree with (or perhaps do not fully understand) all that Wyschogrod has to say about philosophy, but will leave that for another occasion. The thrust of his argument strengthens my often-stated view that the United States represents a radical discontinuity with Western civilization - that is, with the blend of Greek philosophy and Hebrew ethics created by the Catholic Church - but rather represents a Hebraic throwback.

What does this imply for US politics? It is a commonplace that theology now plays a central role in strategic affairs. Washington's hopes in Iraq come down to a wager that Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani will mosque-and-state differently from his Iranian co-religionists. But the religious dimension of Iraq's elections on January 30 was no less decisive than in America's elections on November 2. Theology is a more important variable in US politics than in the Middle East, precisely because it is more of a variable. Theological responses in the Muslim world are preconditioned. In the United States they are in upheaval.

Even the casual reader of US newspapers notes that the cutting edge of political punditry takes into account theological influences upon the White House. In The Weekly Standard, Bill Kristol claimed President George W Bush's second Inaugural Address as a victory for Leo Strauss, while Joseph Bottum claimed the president got it all from St Thomas Aquinas. Catholic conservative Peggy Noonan, a former speechwriter for president Ronald Reagan, worried that Bush had put too much religion into the speech, while the non-conservative Norman Podhoretz averred that the speech contained just the right amount of religion. A few years ago this debate barely would have passed for parody.

No one is more astonished at the mass of political analysis devoted to them than US evangelicals themselves, who busy themselves with school board elections, recovery from substance abuse, supporting troubled families, and other worthy ventures. Evangelical Christianity is not a political movement, quite unlike the 17th-century Protestant Separatism that set out to found a New Israel. The present "Great Awakening" cares about pornographic fare on cable television, not elections in Afghanistan.
Not since Abraham Lincoln has the United States felt itself to be a "nearly chosen" people, with a religious mission like that of ancient Israel. The US may stand at the threshold of a religious self-awareness in Lincoln's mold. I have read Wyschogrod's new book with astonishment, and espy a chance that the US might return to the world view of its founders: that of a Chosen People in a Promised Land. If that occurs, the world will be a different place.

Abraham's Promise: Judaism and Jewish-Christian Relations by Michael Wyschogrod, edited by R Kendall Soulen. SCM Press; London 2004. ISBN 0-8028-1355-0. Price: US$24.

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