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5 GERMANY, THE RE-ENGINEERED
ALLY PART 1: Readiness for
endless war By Axel Brot
the violence-inclined, but
tightly leashed, Zionist right (Likud Europe,
Betar, Jewish Defense League, etc) in the struggle
against "Eurabia". One might, therefore, wonder
whether Sarkozy has not already taken his
commitment to fight against the "new antisemitism"
and to defend French "national identity" a tad too
far. Given the thousands of maimed or dead Arab,
Asian, and African immigrant victims of racial
violence in Western Europe
during the last 15 years -
underinvestigated, underreported, and
underprosecuted in Germany as well as France - one
might even wonder whether the call to arms against
the rise of antisemitism is not misdirected and
whether Sarkozy and his circle do not do double
duty as arsonists in the fire-brigade.
Bur
Sarkozy is not only a civilizational warrior. He
and his advisers - the CEOs of the largest media
conglomerates and the insurance business - are
committed to a radical restructuring of the
distribution of power between the patronat
and the unions, between state and society, between
the workers and the haute bourgeoisie.
Sarkozy has marketed himself as the
energetic executor of a consensus in search of an
executor for the last 20 or so years.
Delegitimizing the whole system of social
protections with their institutional underpinnings
has been at the center of what amounted to a
psychological warfare campaign against the idea
that there is a legitimate claim on social
justice. After several false starts, this program
seems to have found with him the echoes of the
pre-World War II deep right's "patrie, famille,
travail", instead of "liberté, fraternité,
égalité".
Even the Socialist
leadership, not at all discomfited by Royal's
defeat - as testified by its well publicized
collective sigh of relief - is into the spirit of
things. French Socialist Party politician
Dominique Strauss-Kahn's "the red flag is in the
mud for good" phrase renders unsurprising that not
a few voters might have pondered the advantages of
getting the unavoidable up front instead of in
fits, starts, and misdirection.
Neither
the French elites, nor the German chancellor, nor
the US, are in the mood for dealing with qualms
and hesitations a la Royal. Sarkozy, in
contrast, has the intention, the will, the energy,
the support of the political class, as well as the
conception of himself as the right man for the
job, to pull France to the American good side. A
"noble competition" between Merkel and Sarkozy
might even be shaping up, regarding who is going
to work more closely with the US - especially
since Merkel is at a disadvantage. She is burdened
with a Social Democratic coalition partner trying
to save the remnants of Schroeder's Russian
policies and under pressure from the pacifist
left, and more importantly, from a new,
non-sectarian left-wing party that is eating into
its electorate and party membership.
Given
the fact that the majority of the German political
class and the media are running again a high
Russophobe fever, there is not much chance that
these remnants will be salvageable. It is,
instead, possible that Germany will join in when a
sufficiently strong catalyzing event tips
relations with Russia into a no holds barred
effort to get to the end of the "Russian problem".
In the meantime, the Russians will carry on as if
they had a "strategic partner" in Merkel, and
Merkel will continue to signal her dissatisfaction
with Russia's delivering on Western demands - and
leave it to the Social Democratic leadership to
deal with its nostalgia.
Refitting
Turkey for its proper role One of the most
interesting policy initiatives of the new
German-French tandem may appear to be a sideshow
but is, in fact, emblematic of the shape of things
to come: replacing the EU horizon for Turkey with
one more fitting for an oriental strategic asset.
Merkel and Sarkozy are now jointly leading
an EU-wide coalition dead set against making good
on the decades-old promise for the integration of
Turkey into the EU as soon as it is able to
implement the acquis communautaire (total
body of EU law). With the election of Sarkozy the
"open-ended" accession negotiations have no chance
of remaining open-ended and with his help Merkel
will be able to outmaneuver her Social Democratic
baggage while still insisting on negotiating with
Turkey in good faith.
For Merkel, Sarkozy
and their civilizational warriors, Turkey has no
European "vocation", for cultural, Christian, and
occidental reasons. Merkel promises, instead, a
"special relationship" and Sarkozy proposes to
sponsor a "Mediterranean community", anchored on
Turkey, Israel and Morocco, as a geopolitical
barrier against African immigrants, Islamic
fundamentalists, and as an additional venue for
Israeli ambitions.
The question, though,
is how to make Turkey give up its EU aspirations
and fall into line with whatever plans are made
for it. And the main problem is, in fact, that
Turkey's most committed Europeanists are to be
found in the moderately conservative and
moderately religious center-right Justice and
Development (AKP) party, the first governing party
after World War II which is fairly clean, rather
competent economically, and tenaciously digging at
the immensely corrupt and criminal "deep state":
the conglomerate of politicians, military
intelligence, special police squads, and their
legions of cut-outs, cut-throats, and patsies, the
Turkish mafia, Grey Wolves (ie, rightwing
terrorists), feudal landowners, and associated
business ventures. This government is trying to
drain a swamp in which German intelligence was up
to its knees since the days of its being tasked
with chaperoning the "Trident" intelligence
coordination between the Turkish, Iranian, and
Israeli intelligence services.
Turkey's
"deep state" has been (and, to some degree, still
is) the enabling environment - and with Israel,
the Eastern Mediterranean hub - for the
interbreeding of intelligence, the security
business, terrorist groups for hire, and mafia
operations. It has produced the strangest, rather
frightening, but most lucrative, hybrids between
black operations, subversion, targeted killings
and kidnappings, and the whole panoply of the
drug, protection, organ harvesting, black medical
research and pharmacology, the emigration, slave
labor, weapons and technology, counterfeiting,
money laundering rackets. Joined to Israel's
netherworld, its reach extends from the Arab
countries to Africa, from Russia and the CIS to
western and Central Asia, and, of course, to
Europe.
This is what the Turkish
government - with a strong popular mandate - is
trying to reform in order to conform to the
requirements of EU membership. The AKP is, for
good reasons, strongly committed to the EU: by
itself it would be quite unable to make its
sanitation mandate work, whatever the strength of
its electoral base. It is only via the EU that it
can even approach the holy of holies, the
constitutional Praetorian prerogative of the
Turkish military. Its defenders - the parties of
the secular "White Turks" (ie, the urban elites)
who regard the reforms the EU accession process
imposes as endangering their ownership of the
state - are precisely those Sarkozy and Merkel are
relying on to derail Turkey's EU prospects.
The White Turks' "deep state" is already
swinging into action: from a spate of high-profile
murders with an ostensible "fundamentalist"
background, to the threat of a military coup
d'état, from the demonstrations with the malicious
slogan "neither
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