Global Economy

Changing of the guard
By Jonathan Hopfner

When Supachai Panitchpakdi, former deputy prime minister and commerce minister of Thailand, succeeded Mike Moore as the director-general of the World Trade Organization (WTO) in September, he carried the hopes of much of the developed world with him. As the organization’s first leader from Asia and from a developing country, many non-industrialized nations are confident that Supachai will ensure that their interests are better represented on the global stage.

Judging from Supachai's conduct so far, these hopes seem well founded. Both before and after assuming his new post, the director-general has continuously emphasized the need for the WTO to be more responsive to the demands of its poorer members.

At a conference on global trade held at the United Nations’ regional headquarters in Bangkok in mid-July, he warned that the failure of past global trade rounds to address the issues crucial to developing countries - such as the continued refusal of wealthier members to open up their markets to agricultural and textile imports - risked alienating many Asian and African nations. He called on the world’s economic powers to bring "much-needed concessions to the negotiating table" at future trade meetings. In addition, he has publicly mulled the idea of establishing a WTO representative office in the heart of the developing world, most likely Africa, as many WTO countries lack the resources to operate permanent missions in the organization’s current headquarters of Geneva. This severely dampens their ability to participate fully in every-day trade negotiations.

Conscious of the WTO’s image as a force that seems answerable to no one, Supachai has pledged to increase the organization’s accountability by boosting its cooperation with local governments, non-governmental organizations and the public. This, he stated at the conference, would "create more understanding" regarding the WTO and its raison d'etre. He has also expressed a determination to overhaul the WTO’s complex - and frequently bogged-down - dispute resolution processes, by making litigation more difficult for members to initiate.

"We need to emphasize that developing countries should be helped more than in the past and that the process of dispute settlement is conducted in such a way to postpone litigation as long as possible - litigation is too costly. We must find other options," he told participants in the Bangkok conference.

While Supachai's sentiments are clearly noble - and provide good reason for developing nations to celebrate - the realities of his new position are somewhat less encouraging. The foremost pressure on the new director-general is time; bickering over who would take the WTO's top post led members in 1999 to split the six-year term between Supachai and his predecessor, Moore. This gives him only three years to bring much-needed change to the corridors of power in Geneva.

Even before his three years are up, Supachai faces a more pressing deadline. At talks in Doha, Qatar, last November, WTO members agreed to conclude the next round of trade negotiations by 2004, ahead of the official 2005 deadline. As the organization's leader, Supachai’s primary task is to push the WTO countries to wrap up these talks ahead of the deadline, a task that is almost certain to be an uphill battle. The negotiations span an unprecedented range of topics and issues. Nearly all of them are contentious, including the liberalization of trade in services and the establishment of international rules governing intellectual property, competition, and countries' biological resources.

Recent unilateral moves by the WTO's more powerful members will likely make future trade talks even more trying. The US has demonstrated its resistance to compromise by passing a bill that grants massive subsidies to domestic farmers and imposing tariffs on a variety of imported steel products, angering many developing countries in the process. In addition, the various members of the WTO can by no means be grouped into clear-cut "developed" and "developing" camps.

Even nations of similar economic status often find themselves at loggerheads, as demonstrated by the European Union's WTO-sanctioned decision in September to levy US$4 billion of tariffs against American products as retribution for a US foreign-sales tax break.

Despite the WTO's promise to focus the next round of trade talks on poor countries, high-profile cases like these show that it is economically powerful nations that are once again poised to top the agenda. Though he appears to be facing formidable obstacles, Supachai has spared no effort to emphasize his confidence that the talks will proceed on schedule. "It is sometimes arduous in pursuing negotiations, but we’ll meet the deadline as best as possible," he said in Bangkok. "I'm optimistic we'll be on track."

Crucially, Supachai seems to have realized that his position itself is a delicate balancing act. His leadership has been championed for so long by developing countries, it is only natural that the WTO's industrialized members would view him with some degree of suspicion, a fact that he seems to have taken into account. Though he has called for developed nations to make room for further imports in their markets, he has been equally critical of poorer nations, many of which have established protectionist barriers of their own. And his views that the WTO needs to streamline some of its inner processes could hardly be contested by members on any side of the political divide.

Thus far, Supachai has demonstrated foresight, a keen perception and diplomatic savvy. Though it remains to be seen if his tenure will bring about the change that many both inside and outside the WTO are calling for, the proposals that he has put forward seem to bode well for the future. Even the implementation of one of the initiatives he has discussed - the establishment of a WTO office in Africa, for example - would go a long way toward convincing the WTO's critics that it has taken their concerns into account.

Jonathan Hopfner is a contributing writer to the KWR International Advisor.

KWR International, Inc (KWR) is a consulting firm specializing in the delivery of research, communications and advisory services.
 
Oct 11, 2002


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