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Global Economy

Multinationals and accountability
By Alan Boyd

SYDNEY - A drive to make multinationals legally accountable for their investment practices abroad, including the adoption of acceptable labor and environmental standards, has attracted unlikely support from a United Nations human-rights panel.

But Wall Street is already contesting the central premise that individual companies could be treated to the same regulatory scrutiny as sovereign states, which would strike at the heart of international business law.

Most of the developed nations with seats on the 53-member UN Human Rights Commission are likely to take the same position, setting up a North-South showdown with the commission's strong Third World contingent headed by Asian and African nations.

As currently envisaged, the draft Norms on the Responsibilities of Transnational Corporations would allow the UN to utilize a range of "international and national mechanisms" to influence the behavior of corporations operating abroad.

Guidelines would be issued on the treatment of labor and human rights, respect for the environment and governance practices, including the offering of bribes and obligations toward consumers.

UN officials would also have the right to investigate and censure firms that didn't follow these principles. However, the guidelines would not have any legal basis unless they were also adopted by the host country.

While human-rights groups acknowledge this shortcoming, they contend that a covenant would still help change the corporate culture by exerting peer pressure on firms that aren't in compliance.

"The Norms help to level the playing field for companies that want to do the right thing for human rights. Now every company's obligations are detailed and no company can say that it doesn't have responsibilities in the area of human rights," said Arvind Ganesan, director of Human Rights Watch's corporate responsibility division.

"Eventually we'd like to see binding standards for corporations. But this is a good first step."

There is already a voluntary "global compact" between the UN and two leading business associations, the International Chamber of Commerce (ICC) and the International Organization of Employers (IOE), that was brokered by UN Secretary General Kofi Annan in 1999. Individual signatories included the International Labor Organization (ILO), the UN Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights and the UN Environment Program (UNEP).

In addition, nearly three dozen multinationals initialed the compact, in what the ICC called a historic effort to "uphold a set of core values" on business practices. Among them were Siemens, Alcatel, Unilever, Rio Tinto, Norsk Hydro and Royal Dutch/Shell.

Four years later, there are still only 42 participating companies in the United States and 24 in the United Kingdom, while Third World nations have mostly failed to respond.

Some individual industries, notably labor-intensive sectors such as shoes, garments and textiles, have signed their own covenants, usually in response to threatened market boycotts by consumer movements in the US and Western Europe. However, the ILO, which will be one of the key agencies enforcing the Norms if they are adopted, has cast doubts on the ability of distant management to ensure compliance at a country level.

When the Hong Kong-based Asia Monitor Resource Center investigated the impact of a code of conduct by foreign shoe manufacturers in China three years ago, it found that working conditions had actually deteriorated.

"All categories of the companies' codes of conduct - health and safety, freedom of association, wages and benefits, hours of work, overtime compensation, nondiscrimination, harassment and child labor - are being violated," the watchdog noted. "Moreover, most workers do not even know that there is a code of conduct that the factory is supposed to abide by. They are unaware of their rights as workers and have no ways to channel their complaints and opinions."

Another reason voluntary commitments have been difficult to enforce is that they apply only to multinationals, while their competitors in local markets continue to operate without constraint. The Norms would treat all businesses equally.

Nevertheless, the Paris-based ICC and two influential US groups, the International Business Council and the National Foreign Trade Council, maintain that any shift toward mandatory compliance would violate accepted international practices.

The loose corporate alliance has already shown its teeth by galvanizing congressional support in Washington against the Alien Tort Claims Act (ATCA), the only existing legislation that exposes businesses operating abroad to effective regulatory scrutiny.

Enacted more than 200 years ago, the federal law permits non-US citizens to sue in American courts for violations of international law, and has been used against corporations and government officials for such human rights crimes as torture, extrajudicial killings, forced labor and even genocide.

Ousted Philippines dictator Ferdinand Marcos was held accountable under civil laws in the mid-1980s for falling to prevent human rights abuses, including the murder of political opponents, during his rule.

Another US court ruled in September that the act permitted villagers from Myanmar to sue US energy multinational Unocal over its alleged use of forced labor in the construction of a gas pipeline.

"Using ATCA to hold corporations accountable for their actions overseas is not easy. The evidence is hard to gather and gaining jurisdiction is difficult," lobbying group CorpWatch conceded. "Yet ATCA is, potentially, a crucial instrument for holding US companies to the basic standards of international law. It is one of the few deterrents to abusive behavior that can help protect villagers and indigenous people from anywhere in the world."

With Republicans controlling both the White House and Congress, opponents of the Norms will also get a sympathetic hearing.

Vice President Dick Cheney, the Bush administration's chief foreign-policies strategist and a forceful opponent of regulation interference, was head of oil services conglomerate Halliburton when it helped build the Unocal pipeline in Myanmar. Although he has not personally been implicated in any human-rights abuses that were committed during the construction phase, Cheney has consistently opposed the imposition of economic sanctions against Myanmar.

He is also believed to have been behind efforts by the White House to block an ATCA lawsuit that was filed last year against oil giant ExxonMobil for its alleged complicity in human rights abuses by Indonesian forces in the dissident province of Aceh. In an unprecedented move, the State Department wrote to the trial judge and asked him to dismiss the case because it could compromise US interests in Indonesia, especially in the war against terrorism. Casting doubts on the alleged abuses, the letter argued that the lawsuit could actually harm the cause of human rights in Aceh by deterring foreign investments that were in a position to promote strong business ethics.

In response, Human Rights Watch (HRW) called on President George W Bush to honor his commitments to enhanced corporate corporate responsibility following a series of accounting scandals in Wall Street that led to several high-profile bankruptcies, including the collapse of multinational Enron.

"Corporate responsibility shouldn't stop at the water's edge. If the Bush administration is serious about promoting ethical business practices, it shouldn't be trying to stop this court case from going forward," said HRW director Kenneth Roth.

(Copyright 2003 Asia Times Online Co, Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact content@atimes.com for information on our sales and syndication policies.)
 
Aug 19, 2003



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Exxon in Aceh: America's double standard
(Aug 22, '02)

Enron's Asian misadventure
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