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     May 10, 2007
Page 2 of 3
The decline of US equity markets
By Julian Delasantellis

the corporate chutzpah hall of fame by seeking to profit from his lies by illegally selling his own stock short prior to the news of his lies becoming public.

But all these scandals were mere pikers compared with what was going on at Enron. In 2002, the public learned that billions of dollars of Enron's previously reported revenues were the result of private deals with what it called "special-purpose entities", limited 



partnerships that, in actuality, didn't exist. On the cost side, Enron hid corporate liabilities in, once again, its various and sundry specially created phony arm's-length "offshore entities".

As the news of these malfeasances spread through 2002, it caused sharp falls in the share prices of the afflicted companies - WorldCom, Enron and others declared bankruptcy. Going back to the P/E concept, if investors were comfortable paying a P/E of 20 for a company, and then it is revealed that half the company's earnings are phony, then, to maintain the 20 P/E, investors would sell the stock by 50% as well.

The stock market began to fear that all these accounting scandals were not, as former presidential press secretary Ari Fleischer termed it, just the work of a few corporate "bad apples"; perhaps the whole barrel was rotten, and the general market sold off as a result. In between March and October of 2002, the Dow Jones Industrial Index, which had clawed back to recoup most of its losses post-September 11, 2001, lost another third of its value.

Therefore, with nervousness growing about how sour stock markets might affect the upcoming mid-term congressional elections, on July 30, 2002, President George W Bush reversed his previous stated position that government should not intervene in markets that were best self-regulated, and signed into law the Sarbanes-Oxley Corporate and Auditing Accountability, Responsibility and Transparency Act.

The bill, named after its co-sponsors, Republican congressman Michael Oxley and Democratic senator Paul Sarbanes, had passed both houses of Congress, by 423-3 in the House, 99-0 in the Senate. At the time, it was said to be the biggest reform in US corporate-governance regulations since the creation of the Securities and Exchange Commission in 1934.

Prior to the adoption of Sarbanes-Oxley (commonly referred to as "Sarbox" or "SOX" in the financial press), corporate executives could get off the hook from charges of malfeasance anywhere within the corporation with the famed "I know nothing - I see nothing!" defense of Sergeant Schultz (the late John Banner) of the 1965-71 US sitcom Hogan's Heroes.

Thus, in the same manner as Schultz looked the other way as Colonel Hogan brought everything up to B-24s into Stalag 13, corporate executives routinely claimed ignorance for everything up to human sacrifice followed by cannibalism in the cafeteria. (This defense failed in the corporate-securities-fraud trial of Enron principals Ken Lay and Jeffrey Skilling. Apparently, so much financial pain had been suffered, so many people realized that they must now work to their dying day because of the disappearance of their retirement savings, by so many in southern Texas as a result of the Enron collapse that a Houston jury was no longer willing to accept a defense that had worked so well in other corporate trials.)

Sarbox turned these blowsy standards on their head. No longer could corporate executives simply plead ignorance and walk away; they were now mandated to attest and sign off personally on all corporate earnings statements; the companies were also mandated to have available for regulators' perusal a documented paper trail of the efforts undertaken to ensure the integrity of their earnings releases.

Section 302 of Sarbox required corporate officers to:
Certify in each annual or quarterly report filed or submitted under either such section of this title that (1) the signing officer has reviewed the report; (2) based on the officer's knowledge, the report does not contain any untrue statement of a material fact or omit to state a material fact necessary in order to make the statements made, in light of the circumstances under which such statements were made, not misleading; (3) based on such officer's knowledge, the financial statements, and other financial information included in the report, fairly present in all material respects the financial condition and results of operations of the issuer as of, and for, the periods presented in the report.
Section 404 of Sarbox required corporations to make even more efforts to maintain the integrity of their earnings releases. It affirmed "the responsibility of management for establishing and maintaining an adequate internal control structure and procedures for financial reporting".

Corporate officers must create and maintain internal auditing procedures that assured "reporting.effectiveness of the internal control structure and procedures of the issuer for financial reporting".

And to provide an extra incentive to the new corporate morality, Sarbox mandated enhanced penalties under criminal and civil law, including longer prison terms, for those who might be still tempted to revert to the old, morally profligate earnings-reporting ways.

The powers that be in corporate America never really liked Sarbox, especially the Section 404 requirements for establishment of new, expensive ongoing internal auditing controls, but, at first, with so much egg on their faces from the scandals of 2002, they bit the bullet and did their best boy-scout imitations. A healthy cottage industry of software, consultancies and books arose to help corporate executives with Sarbox compliance. (One of these, Sarbanes-Oxley for Dummies, by Jill Gilbert Welytok, certainly presents an interesting challenge to those who claim that American CEOs are the brilliant, all-knowing business avatars of our age.)

Lately, with the stock market rising, and the scandals and selloffs of 2002 more than a thousand 24-hour news cycles ago, the CEOs are clearly pining for what was, for them at least (certainly not for the investors they duped), the more relaxed expectations and strictures of the good old days.

The anti-Sarbox cheering crowd - prominent among them Glenn Hubbard, professor at the Columbia Business School, and, from 2001 to 2003, appointed by President Bush to the chair of the Council of Economic Advisers; former adviser to president Ronald Reagan and current CNBC talk-show host Larry Kudlow; and the entire editorial board of the Wall Street Journal - share one common ideological trait.

They are all what are called "market supremacists" (more pointed observers call them "market fetishists") in that they believe in the complete and unfettered operation of the markets for goods, services, and capital markets products, completely free from any control or regulation by government. In weighing private interests against the interests of government, representing the interests of society as a holistic entity, for market supremacists, society's interests always finish a very distant second.

Even though the corporate class hate and resent Sarbox, they're way too clever to come out and announce to the public that they'd like it repealed so that it would once again be relatively sanction-free to lie. They had to come up with a reason, whatever its

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