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     Jun 14, 2007
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THE INTEREST RATE CONUNDRUM, Part 2
How currency devaluation destroys wealth
By Henry C K Liu

(For Part 1, see Economics of denial)

In today's financial world, a liquidity boom produces rising nominal or face value in return on investment (ROI) with an increasingly hollow economy in two ways: (1) by devaluing all currencies against real assets and (2) by keeping down wages and worker



benefits around the globe.

Thus while all currencies devalue steadily but not at the same pace, all of them devalue faster against real assets and slower against labor cost, because wage adjustments tend to lag behind both real and nominal inflation rates. This translates directly into low real valuation for labor, structurally constraining growth of demand to fall behind growth of supply. This in turn leads to an overcapacity economy of declining consumer purchasing power. Neo-classical economists call this the business cycle, which Keynesians assert must be countered with demand management through full employment supported by deficit financing.

The laws of overcapacity
The first law of overcapacity is that it is deflationary (falling market prices of assets), which in turn requires falling wages to maintain corporate earnings. The second law of overcapacity is that it discourages new plant expansion, so that existing capital assets appreciate in market value in nominal terms as liquidity increases, causing the stock markets to rise even though their economic value remains stagnant.

But the laws of overcapacity naturally lead to a downward economic spiral that ends in depression. Moreover, socio-political stability requires nominal wages to continue to rise above inflation. Thus the convenient monetarist solution is to allow stealthy but real devaluation of currencies against real assets, but with a slower devaluation rate against the value of labor.

The global regime of declining currency value is one that will lead to a new form of slavery, despite a rise in living standards from higher labor productivity and resource utilization as a result of technological progress.

Universal currency devaluation is masked by an exchange-rate regime in which currencies rise and fall unevenly against one another around the benchmark US dollar as the prime reserve currency, while all currencies fall against hard assets in unison but at different rates due to varying local conditions. The uneven rates of currency devaluation present windows of profit opportunity for arbitrageurs in the global foreign-exchange and financial markets. A network of interlocking asset bubbles then grows around the world as a result of dollar hegemony and the emergence of deregulated global currency and financial markets, jumping over national borders, fueled by a general devaluation of all currencies while the trading public is distracted to focus on the relative exchange value of one currency against another.

Thus while both the US dollar and the euro steadily fall, Europeans are comforted by seeing their currency rise against the dollar in recent years when in fact the euro has merely been temporarily falling at a slower rate than the dollar. As the dollar, the prime benchmark reserve currency for trade and finance, devalues against assets, the exchange-rate regime in the current international finance architecture will eventually drag all currencies down with the dollar, lest the trading partners of the United States find themselves saddled with trade penalties associated with inoperative exchange rates.

A confused public
The general public is further confused by uncertainty about whether a rising currency is good or bad for them. They are told to rejoice when their currency falls, as the goods they produce will sell in larger quantity because they can be bought with less money by foreigners, even their own income per unit of production will fall and they themselves will be crowded out of restaurants and shops in their own home towns by suddenly richer foreign tourists.

Ironically, while any normal citizen should find the prospect of receiving less money for the same amount of product he or she produces unappetizing, policymakers insist that there is no alternative systemically. In the meantime, the rich get richer from declining wages worldwide.

All the economies of the world are competing in global markets by pushing their domestic wages and worker benefits down in search of globalized "growth". The global market has turned into an arena for universal voluntary slavery to serve global capital.

Wicksell's ideas obsolete
Swedish economist Johan Gustaf Knut Wicksell's idea of fighting inflation by pegging interest rates to ROI, operative under industrial capitalism, is problematic in finance capitalism because of the emergence of structured finance in which the traditional discounted rate of return for industrial investment tends to be overwhelmed by astronomical returns from financial manipulation routinely expected of hedge funds and private-equity firms.

To fight stealth inflation from currency devaluation, Wicksell's notion of pegging interest rates to ROI in structured finance would set interest rates so high as to make the sky-high rate of 19.93% under former US Federal Reserve chairman Paul Volcker pegged to money supply look tame.

Further, in Wicksell's time (he died in 1926 at the age of 74), there were no exchange-rate issues as there was no foreign-exchange market, since the reserve currency was based on the gold standard, with other currencies adopting fixed exchange rates against it. Cross-border movement of funds was strictly regulated, and currency accounts between trading nations were settled in gold regularly through adjustment of national accounts in the Bank of International Settlement.

Back then, domestic interest rates had no direct immediate effect on the exchange value of a country's currency. Today, domestic interest rates do have a bearing on currency exchange rates, albeit increasingly less directly. High domestic interest rates will push a currency's exchange rate upward, hurting a country's current-account balance and worsening domestic inflation, even though this relationship is increasingly obscured by the decoupling of nominal interest rates from the real interest rate and the decoupling of exchange rates between currencies from the real value of all currencies as derivative of a fiat dollar as the main reserve currency.

The lessons of 1987
The 1987 stock-market crash was unleashed by the sudden collapse of the safety dam of portfolio insurance, a hedging strategy made possible by the new option pricing theory advanced by Nobel laureates Robert C Merton and Myron S Scholes. Institutional investors found it possible to manage risk better by protecting their portfolios from unexpected losses with positions in stock-index futures. Any fall in stock prices could be compensated by selling futures bought when stock prices were higher.

This strategy, while operative for each individual portfolio, actually caused the entire market to collapse from the dynamics of automatic herd-selling of futures. Investors could afford to take greater risks in rising markets because portfolio insurance offered a disciplined way of avoiding risk in declines, albeit only individually. As some portfolio insurers sold and market prices fell precipitously, the computer programs of other insurers then triggered further sales, causing further declines that in turn caused the first group of insurers to sell even more stock and so on, in a high-speed downward spiral. This in turn generated other sell orders from the same sources, and the market experienced a computer-generated meltdown.

The 1987 crash provided clear empirical evidence of the structural flaw in market fundamentalism, which is the belief that the optimum common welfare is only achievable through a market equilibrium created by the effect of countless individual decisions of all market participants each seeking to maximize his own private gain, and that such market equilibrium should not be distorted by any collective measures in the name of the common good.

Aggregate individual decisions and actions in unorganized unison can and often do turn into systemic crises that are detrimental to the common good. Unregulated free markets can quickly become failed markets. Markets do not simply grow naturally after a spring rain. Markets are artificial constructs designed collectively by key participants who agree to play by certain rules. All markets are planned with the aim of eliminating any characteristic of being free for all operations. The free market is as much a fantasy as free love.

In response to the 1987 crash, the US Federal Reserve under its newly installed chairman, Alan Greenspan, with merely nine weeks in the powerful office, immediately flooded the banking system with new reserves, by having the Fed Open Market Committee (FOMC) buy massive quantities of government securities from the market. He announced the day after the crash that the Fed would "serve as a source of liquidity to support the economic and financial system". Greenspan created US$12 billion of new bank reserves by buying up government securities from the market, the proceeds from which would enter the banking system.

The $12 billion injection of "high-power money" in one day caused the Fed Funds Rate (FFR) to fall by 75 basis points and halted the financial panic, though it did not cure the financial problem, which caused the US economy to plunge into a recession that persisted for five subsequent years.

High-power money injected into the banking system enables banks to create more bank money through multiple credit-recycling, lending repeatedly the same funds minus the amount of required bank reserves at each turn. At a 10% reserve requirement, $12 billion of new high-power money could generate 

Continued 1 2 3 4 5 


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