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     Jul 24, 2007
Page 2 of 3
The terror of state health care

By Julian Delasantellis

caveat that national health-care systems are excessively bureaucratic - as well as being the breeding ground for terror.

It has been endlessly repeated that the United States is the world's only major industrial society without a government-financed system of ensuring health care to all its citizens. Actually, among the 20 largest economies in the world by per capita gross domestic product (GDP), the only nations where the



government contribution is less than 50% of total national health-care spending are the US (with government contribution at 44.4% of total health-care spending), Singapore, and Cyprus.

The average government share of health-care spending in the Group of Seven industrialized nations minus the US (Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan and the UK) is 78.5%. This does not mean that the US is a land of cheapskates as regard to health-care spending. Quite the opposite: 15.4% of US GDP, more than US$5,700 per capita, goes to health care; the comparable G7-minus-US figures average out at 9.25% and just over $2,533 per capita.

About 15% of the population, about 47 million Americans, don't have health insurance; the number has increased by about 1.3 million people a year since 2000. For these people, US health care is represented by a leaky safety net of emergency-room visits, overburdened public-health clinics for the indigent, and utilization of questionably effective herbal, nutritional and homeopathic supplements.

As former senator Fred Thompson plays Hamlet in his latest role and decides whether to be or not to be the next president of the United States, he has recently said that poor Americans receive better care than do Britons from their National Health Service; this, of course, conclusively proves that neither has he ever accessed medical care from the NHS, nor is he a poor American.

Whatever the US gets with its Cadillac-priced health care, it is not better health. The United States is well down in the tables in almost all measurements of health status; in terms of infant mortality, according to the Central Intelligence Agency's World Factbook, this year the US ranks 41st, just ahead of Belarus and Lithuania, whose health-care delivery systems collapsed with the fall of the Soviet Union.

Historic failures, and successes
It's not as if there haven't been attempts to provide universal coverage. In 1945, president Harry Truman introduced a measure that would have instituted a system of national health insurance for every American; the doctors' lobby, the American Medical Association (AMA), would have none of that. Two years later, prime minister Clement Atlee and health minister Aneurin Bevan faced similar opposition from the British Medical Association to their plan to set up the NHS in the United Kingdom; Bevan later reported that the doctors' resistance only abated after he "stuffed their mouths with gold".

In the 1960s, US president Lyndon Johnson intended that his Medicare health program for senior citizens would soon be expanded to include citizens of all ages; this foundered on the government budget deficits generated by his trying to fund the Vietnam War and the Great Society without tax hikes. In 1993-94, Bill and Hillary Clinton's ideas for a fully inclusive health-care system failed in the face of opposition from health-insurance companies determined not to lose to the government a very profitable market, and Republicans in Congress determined not to hand the Democratic president an epoch-making domestic-policy legislative victory.

The 44% of US health-care spending funded through the government mostly represents Medicare, the government-run program for those over 65. Medicare is run very simply; in fact, to its recipients, it looks a lot like a national health-care system just by itself. A Medicare recipient sees a doctor, or has an X-ray or a surgery, and the federal government gets sent a bill.

Therefore, the administrative costs required to run this program, what is called the Administrative Cost Ratio (ACR), is very low, about 3% of total costs. (This is roughly in line with ACRs in national health-care systems.) It's still a very expensive program; at $374 billion, it's 14% of the federal budget, only surpassed by military spending, slated to be $740 billion in fiscal year 2008.

US medicine is very technological, and its practitioners are very well paid (not that there is much evidence that these two preceding factors improve health-care outcomes), and the elderly use a lot of it, but at least in regards to the Medicare budget, a relatively small percentage goes for paperwork, bureaucracy and administration.

It's an entirely different situation for those under 65 who mostly rely on the private health-insurance industry. These are the businesses that receive the paycheck deductions and employer co-payments that represent how most employed Americans pay for their health care. The largest of these is the United Health Care Group, which for the first quarter of 2007 reported $1.58 billion in profit from $19.05 billion in revenues, for a rather healthy 8.3% profit margin.

Wall Street currently values the company at $71 billion; other leaders in the industry are WellPoint (valued at $50.3 billion), Aetna, (valued at $25.3 billion) and Cigna (valued at $15.5 billion). These four companies alone possess a market capitalization of $162 billion; to put that in perspective, America's three major automobile companies, General Motors, Ford and DaimlerChrysler (with most of that company's value originating in Germany) put together have a market capitalization of $135 billion.

Providing for a profit to be delivered to the stockholders is, of course, a factor that does not drive up costs in government-run systems. A greater inefficiency in US private-sector health care is the fact that this industry operates with very high ACRs. A 2003 study by the New England Journal of Medicine reported the US private health-care industry's ACR at just under 25%; add in a profit margin, and it turns out that almost one-third of America's $1 trillion annual private-health-care bill goes to costs and services that have no direct benefit to the patient.

Growth industries
One might think that US business, now so ruthlessly competent in slicing away whole office parks full of superfluous workers so as to improve the bottom line, might apply the same skills to health care.

They don't. In profit health care, the administrative side of the business is worth every penny it costs - and a whole lot more after that. Billing costs is easy in government-run health systems. Doctors, along with most other medical personnel, are government workers; they show up in the morning, go home at night. If the hospital needs more syringes, they go to the budget and get them. Patients get served, suppliers get paid, and paychecks get printed.

It's nowhere near that simple in private US medicine. Whether they be Shinto or socialist, Anabaptist or anarchist, all US medical personnel must daily prove their fealty to The Book, or, more accurately, The Books. These books are called ICD-9-CM (International Classification of Diseases) and CPT (Current Procedural Terminology) Standard Edition, both published by the AMA.

You go to the doctor with a sore throat. The doctor is worried that you might have a strep throat, so you get a throat culture. When that is concluded, you get a few minutes of advice on topical measures to alleviate the pain, maybe a prescription for a painkiller.

But it's far from that uncomplicated with the insurance companies. To get paid from the patient's insurance carrier, the doctor must find, classify and submit every one of his actions according to the tens of thousands of diagnosis and treatment codes found in The Books. Sore throat? That's a 784.1, unless it's chronic, then it's a 472.1. The immune assay code for Streptococcus, Group A, is 87430, but if it's for Streptococcus, Group B, it's an 87802.

If you're a new patient, the doctor's assistant will take your medical history and do a cursory examination. If this takes 10 minutes or less, that's a 99201; 10-20 minutes, 99202; up to 60

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