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     Nov 17, 2007
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BOOK REVIEW
Power, passion and neo-liberalism
The Shock Doctrine
by Naomi Klein

Reviewed by Walden Bello

and 1.1% in the 1990s, compared to 3.5% in the 1960s and 2.4% in the 1970s.

Disaster capitalism
It is this fundamental failure of finance-driven capitalism to reignite vigorous capital accumulation that allows us to fully appreciate



Klein's theory of disaster capitalism and David Harvey's closely related notion of "accumulation by dispossession". Both may be seen as the latest desperate effort of an increasingly sputtering capitalist machine's effort to surmount the persistent and deepening crisis of overproduction.

In the past few years, stagnation or weak growth has marked most areas of the world economy, with the exception of China and India. US growth has been higher than that of sclerotic Europe, but it has been largely illusory, being largely the result of middle-class spending fueled by massive credit from China and East Asia.

China has to lend to the United States to keep up demand for its cheap-labor based export-industrial sector, but the expansion of its production has itself contributed mightily to the overcapacity, overproduction, and shrinking profitability plaguing the whole global system. Even the International Monetary Fund has recognized that the world is skating on thin ice, which could break should American consumers rein in their debt-driven spending, as they now seem to be doing.

In its efforts to surmount the crisis, capitalism has increasingly supplemented, if not supplanted, accumulation through production with accumulation through dispossession, or the expropriation of already created wealth or sources of wealth akin to the process of primitive accumulation that marked early capitalism in the 14th to the 17th centuries. Accumulation by dispossession involves an acceleration of the privatization and commodification of the commons, which includes not only land but also the environment and knowledge.

Millions of peasants and indigenous peoples are displaced from the soil as private property supplants common property or communal regimes, often with the active support of institutions like the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank. Seeds, the end-result of eons of interaction between nature and human communities, are now privatized through mechanisms such as the Trade Related Intellectual Property Rights Agreement, which has also dampened technological development in the South owing to fear of infringing on the patents of northern corporations.

Contracting out the 'war on terror'
A key mechanism for accumulation by dispossession is the accelerated privatization of hitherto public or state assets, which is what disaster capitalism is all about. Disaster capitalism is the Bush administration's central contribution to neo-liberalism. Its key feature is the parceling out to the private sector of the "core" functions of security, defense, and infrastructure that Adam Smith himself thought had to be left to the state. Through the "war on terror," Klein writes, the Bush administration brought about:
The creation of the disaster capitalism complex - a full-fledged new economy in homeland security, privatized war, and disaster reconstruction tasked with nothing less than building and running a privatized security state, both at home and abroad. The economic stimulus of this sweeping initiative proved enough to pick up the slack where globalization and the dot-com booms had left off. Just as the Internet launched the dot-com bubble, 9/11 launched the disaster capitalism bubble ... It was the pinnacle of the counter-revolution launched by Friedman. For decades, the market had been feeding off the appendages of the state; now it would devour the core.
In the disaster capitalism paradigm, the state serves as the engine of capital accumulation - that is, it raises capital via taxes, and then transfers it to private contractors that take over its core functions, from defense to incarceration to the provision of infrastructure.

Security provision becomes the new growth industry, incorporating but going beyond the old military-industrial complex. Disaster, either of the natural kind like Katrina or the socially-created kind like Iraq, is seen as opportunity in several ways. It creates demand for a commodity, that is, for security or reconstruction. By taking advantage of natural disasters, it provides the opportunity to alter the physical landscape and "add value" to it, by sweeping away "value-deprived" poor communities and converting the land to upscale commercial or residential real estate, as in post-Katrina New Orleans.

Finally, as in Iraq, war becomes the instrument to erase the old interventionist state and create from scratch the ideal neo-liberal government whose key function is to delegate its own functions to private contractors, like the engineering firm Bechtel or the notorious private security firm Blackwater. "In Iraq," Klein writes, "there was not a single governmental function that was considered so 'core' that it could not be handed to a contractor, preferably one who provided the Republican Party with financial contributions or Christian footsoldiers during elections campaigns. The usual Bush motto governed all aspects of the foreign forces' involvement in Iraq: if a task could be performed by a private entity, it must be."

The problem, of course, is that disaster capitalism is so brazenly anti-people that even dressed up in the rhetoric of freedom, entrepreneurship, and efficiency, it cannot win over people in the way early neo-liberal ideology was able to captivate the middle classes in the era of Reagan and Thatcher. Reading Klein's chilling account, one wonders how L Paul Bremer, the head of the Coalition Provisional Authority, could not have realized that the decrees he made which had the effect of making Iraqi youth a surplus population in a society where the state functioned mainly to enrich foreign contractors would turn them into insurgents. Disaster capitalism and accumulation by dispossession represent a capitalist order that no longer seeks ideological hegemony but seeks to impose itself through pure force. This is not sustainable.

Klein's last chapter, which looks at the vast and varied global movement that has risen against what French thinkers call "savage capitalism" shows that, as Gramsci noted, nothing can remain hegemonic for long without legitimacy. People have become both more hopeful and more savvy: they will not be easily subjected to another neo-liberal shock.

Klein past versus Klein present
So here's the inevitable question: which is the better book, No Logo or The Shock Doctrine? This is not an easy choice, but I would land on the side of No Logo.

Let me explain. The critical edge, analytical sharpness, and passion of No Logo are to be found in The Shock Doctrine as well. But there is something different about the writing. In a review I did for Yes! in 2001, I wrote:
No Logo is compelling, but it's not an easy read. Reading Klein is like serving alongside a skilled commander who relentlessly probes the enemy's many defenses to locate the principal point of vulnerability. And just when the reader thinks Klein has identified the key to the defense, she reveals that this is only one episode in unraveling the dynamics of contemporary capitalism. This is deconstructive writing at its best, the product of a first-rate, restless mind that is not satisfied with drawing a solitary insight or two from her material.
Reading The Shock Doctrine is a different experience. You don't need to work. You're like a tourist being guided on a well-lit path where there are few surprises.

I much prefer the discourse of No Logo, and I certainly do not relish being subjected at the very beginning to a literary shock treatment that has no other purpose but to prod me to read further. That flaw - and the change in style - I prefer to attribute not so much to the Toronto-based Klein but to the New York School of publishing, which, like Hollywood, much prefers an in-your-face approach to a more allusive, more indirect, less predictable, but ultimately more enlightening discourse.

The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism. Metropolitan Books (September 18, 2007). ISBN-10: 0805079831. Price US$28, 576 pages.

Foreign Policy In Focus columnist Walden Bello is currently a distinguished visiting professor at St Mary's University in Halifax, Canada. Bello is also a senior analyst at the Bangkok-based institute Focus on the Global South and professor of sociology at the University of the Philippines at Diliman. He is the author of Walden Bello Introduces Ho Chi Minh (London: Verso, 2007), Dilemmas of Domination (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2005), and Deglobalization (London: Zed, 2002).

(Posted with permission from Foreign Policy in Focus)

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