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     Nov 7, 2008
Bernanke's unenviable legacy
By Hossein Askari and Noureddine Krichene

On the heels of successive interest cuts, US Federal Reserve chairman Ben Bernanke continued his relentless monetary expansion on October 29 by reducing the federal funds rate to 1%. He could have just as easily set the interest rate to zero, since banks are obtaining liquidity with no collateral and without limit from the Federal Reserve and are even paid an interest rate of 1.25% on their excess liquidity. Moreover, the Fed is bypassing banks and lending directly at negligible interest rates to borrowers.

What is the rationale for Bernanke's latest interest rate cut? There may be two explanations: his paranoia about the Great Depression, and to reverse an impending economic recession and

 

promote a return to "moderate", not vigorous, economic growth.

The latter reason is clearly apparent in the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) statement last week:
The pace of economic activity appears to have slowed markedly, owing importantly to a decline in consumer expenditures. Business equipment spending and industrial production have weakened in recent months, and slowing economic activity in many foreign economies is damping the prospects for US exports. Moreover, the intensification of financial market turmoil is likely to exert additional restraint on spending, partly by further reducing the ability of households and businesses to obtain credit. ... Recent policy actions, including today's rate reduction, coordinated interest rate cuts by central banks, extraordinary liquidity measures, and official steps to strengthen financial systems, should help over time to improve credit conditions and promote a return to moderate economic growth. ... The Committee will monitor economic and financial developments carefully and will act as needed to promote sustainable economic growth and price stability.
The contrast between this statement and FOMC's statement on August 7, 2007, that is prior to the start of Bernanke's aggressive series of cuts in interest rates, is striking: "The Federal Open Market Committee decided today to keep its target for the federal funds rate at 5-1/4%. Economic growth was moderate during the first half of the year. Financial markets have been volatile in recent weeks, credit conditions have become tighter for some households and businesses, and the housing correction is ongoing. Nevertheless, the economy seems likely to continue to expand at a moderate pace over coming quarters, supported by solid growth in employment and incomes and a robust global economy. Readings on core inflation have improved modestly in recent months. However, a sustained moderation in inflation pressures has yet to be convincingly demonstrated. Moreover, the high level of resource utilization has the potential to sustain those pressures."

Within a span of a year, Bernanke's policies have handcuffed US real gross domestic product growth from 4.8% in the third quarter of 2007 to -0.3% in Q3 2008, depressing personal consumption expenditures from 2% in Q3 2007 to -3.1% in Q3 2008, and gross private domestic investment from 3.5% to -1.9%.

His policies have pushed unemployment up from 4.7% in September 2007 to 6.1% in August this year and helped bring down the world economy from strong growth to a complete standstill in 2008, with GDP contracting in the UK, the euro zone, and slowing down in Japan, China, and many emerging markets.

Bernanke's impetuous actions have destabilized the US financial system as well as the financial system of other industrial and emerging market countries. By opposing an orderly adjustment of housing prices and credit conditions, Bernanke has devastated both the financial system and real economy, both in the US and in the rest of the world, causing a freeze in capital markets and precipitating the downfall of long established banks.

Two important counterfactual questions should be addressed? First, would the US and world economies have maintained the solid growth enjoyed prior to the crisis if Bernanke had maintained a neutral or even tighter monetary stance? Second, if Bernanke had not opposed a market adjustment of asset prices, had not injected excessive liquidity and had not adopted bailouts for financial institutions, could the crisis have been contained in August 2007?

The answer to the first question is affirmative: Bernanke's policies are in large measure to blame for the recession. By setting real interest rates at negative levels and injecting massive liquidity, Bernanke engineered a free fall of the US dollar and sent food and energy prices sky-high. This unbearable inflation set off food and energy riots around the world, destabilized the auto industry, airlines, shipping, and forced lower energy use in agriculture and industry.

Food and energy inflation soared not only in the US, but also in Europe and in most developing countries, forcing consumers to cut back on both essential and non-essential spending. The combination of contraction effects on the production side, as well as the consumption side, has contributed to a marked contraction of GDP growth and rising unemployment in the US and elsewhere.
Affirmatively, without Bernanke's deliberate re-inflationary policy, food and energy prices would have remained below their July 2007 levels. Neither the US economy, nor the world economy, would have been jolted by such powerful energy shock and would have maintained the pace of growth. This counterfactual question is similar to the one asked by academicians: had influential New York Fed governor Benjamin Strong lived (he died in late 1928), the Great Depression would not have taken place. Had Bernanke not been Fed's chairman, the US and world economy would not have been precipitated into recession.

The answer to the second question is affirmative: Bernanke escalated the financial crisis. The US, Europe, and many other countries have been experiencing a credit boom and speculative bubbles in asset prices, mainly housing, stocks, and commodities, caused by record low interest rates in the post war period. Domestic credit has been increasing at 12% in the US during 2001-2007. Total credit stood at 346% of GDP in August 2007 as against 268% in 2000 and 162% in 1980.

Monetary data showed that, in August 2007, the only problem with the financial sector in the US was the speculative subprime component of the mortgage loans; the default rate on bonds and corporate debt was almost zero. Macroeconomic data showed that external deficit was at a record level of 7% of GDP and national saving was negative.

Evidently, at a very high percentage of GDP, domestic credit becomes difficult to service both in terms of interest and principal payments. A prudent central banker would check the growth of domestic credit to a rate compatible with real economic growth, lower external deficits, and higher national savings, with greater emphasis to productive sectors and less to speculation. This assumes allowing free interest rates to be commensurable with profit rates in the economy, rewards for savers, risks faced by banks, and sound bank incomes. This assumes allowing asset prices, including housing prices, to be fully market determined.

Particularly, housing prices were propelled upwards with joy and euphoria in a speculative frenzy by three to fourfold, boosting property taxes by two to threefold, with the Fed refusing to step in and arrest the speculative mania.

The Fed and the US government should not deploy so many resources to prevent housing prices returning to non-speculative levels, compatible with incomes, construction costs, and normal profits. Instead, Bernanke wanted to have the best of all the worlds: the lowest (and negative) real interest rates, unlimited liquidity for banks, the lowest possible value for the dollar, and the highest prices for housing, shares, and commodities.

He put in place a facility to buy all he could of mortgage backed securities and to prevent millions of foreclosures. In conjunction with the congressional $300 billion homeowner bailouts, this triggered mass default on mortgage payments. In turn, Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac could no longer have the cash flow to service their debt. This triggered the credit default swap and Bear Stearns crises, then the collapse of AIG, Lehman Brothers, and so on.

Very low interest rates combined with massive writedowns weakened considerably the incomes of banks, sending their stocks tumbling and forcing the Securities and Exchange Commission to preclude short-selling.

Cheapness of money created an international speculative frenzy in food and oil markets, and in stocks in the US, Europe, and in emerging market countries. With oil hitting $147/barrel, oil demand had clearly fallen. Hedge funds rushed to close positions, creating a de-leveraging process that spread from commodities to stocks.

The financial system comprises a "web of interlocking commitments" - a vast and complex network of interconnected balance sheets and cash flows; preventing the market mechanism in interest rate setting or in housing price adjustments destabilizes not only mortgage finance but also the whole financial system locally and internationally.

By staunchly opposing a market adjustment of asset prices, Bernanke and company have decided to inject as much liquidity and bailouts for all financial institutions in the US and elsewhere that are impaired by distorted asset prices, except Lehman Brothers, which itself was a victim of Bernanke's policy.

The only outlet Bernanke and Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson wanted for these assets was the government's balance sheet. Affirmatively, without Bernanke's policies, the financial crisis would never have escalated to financial chaos, as a result of an impairment of the asset pricing process; Lehman Brothers would have never fallen arbitrarily; and financial disorder created by its demise would not have occurred.

Bernanke and Paulson have certainly created a fiscal and monetary disorder that will have serious drawbacks on the real economy and the banking system. Will the Bernanke and Paulson doctrine of immense fiscal deficits, negative real interest, and unlimited money creation succeed in returning the economy to a moderate growth? So far, their record has been disastrous.

Certainly under former Fed chairman Alan Greenspan, low interest worked, but paved the ground for financial instability. As the classics put it: the cheapness of money facilitates speculation, just in the same way as the cheapness of beef and of beer facilitates gluttony and drunkenness. Unfortunately, this time around, banks are willing to take the beef, but are not willing to get drunk on the beer! The Keynesians call it the liquidity trap.

The socialization of the mortgage sector and prevention of foreclosures have dealt a long-term blow to home loans. Banks will remain reluctant to provide home loans, knowing that these loans have no legal recourse.

Will the fiscal stimulus, as proposed by Paul Krugman, Lawrence Summers and others, bring back economic growth? US GDP data shows that US growth was propelled by real increase in government spending at 13.8% in Q3 2008. Hence, in spite of full deployment of fiscal policy and pushing the fiscal deficit to record level, the US economy recorded a contraction at -0.3% in that quarter.

In view of negative savings, higher fiscal deficits require more external financing or much higher inflation. In view of low interest rates, external financing will be dwindling. Inflationary fiscal deficits will only curtail further real growth, as in Zimbabwe. Apparently, in the presence of large internal and external deficits, a sounder strategy would rely essentially on supply side policies.

Certainly, Bernanke will never accept basic pricing mechanism, or safe banking. He, and his re-inflationist supporters, will not accept the reality and pain of adjustment. So far, he has succeeded only in bringing the economy from one crisis to a bigger one, spreading financial and economic disorder around the globe. Not only banks are in distress, auto industry and many industrial corporations need large bailouts, and state and local government are in red.

So many will suffer from Bernanke's policies, including Princeton University, where students may shun anti-market Bernankeconomics.

Hossein Askari is professor of international business and international affairs at George Washington University. Noureddine Krichene is an economist at the International Monetary Fund and a former advisor, Islamic Development Bank, Jeddah.

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