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     Jan 7, 2009
Page 2 of 2
Unpleasant arithmetic
By Hossein Askari and Noureddine Krichene

the Bush administration. So many uncertainties loom ahead as a result of more such frightening monetary and fiscal policies. So far the incoming Obama administration has indicated no clear economic program; it is following a patchwork program driven by populist economics and by the media and academics. Some are calling for running a devastating hyperinflation as a way out of the financial crisis.

A stabilization program should emphasize supply-side policies. These include tax incentives in the form of investment tax credit and lowering corporate income tax rate; expanding energy production; stepping up agriculture and livestock production

 

mainly in staple products that witnessed exorbitant inflation; expanding economic and social infrastructure; emphasizing human development and improving education; vocational training and re-training; enhancing competitiveness in labor and product markets; research in agriculture and industry; adequate supply of energy and water; and emphasis on sectors for which the US has comparative advantage.

Unquestionably, supply side policies under the Ronald Reagan administration provided the US with a prosperity that extended over two decades and enabled it to recover from a long stagflation that seriously weakened the economy during 1969-1982.

It is easy to plan a stimulus program of any magnitude; the most difficult question is how the fiscal deficit can be financed? Are there enough real savings for financing these deficits? Could the public debt created by these deficits be serviced?

Obama's team seems to have ignored the financing question of the stimulus package and its fallout on the US economy and the US dollar. Certainly, taxes cannot be raised by another trillion. Hence financing has to come from default or from borrowing. Since the US dollar is a reserve currency, the US government has the luxury of monetizing the deficit. Such certainly is not the case of a non-reserve currency, which may fall in default due to foreign debt obligations, which it could not repay.

The Bush deficits were essentially financed by foreign borrowing as illustrated by wide deficits of the external current account. A question naturally arises. Would foreigners be willing to finance the fiscal deficit as they were during the outgoing Bush administration? If they would, then the stimulus program will have no stimulus on the US economy, and will end up stimulating other economies, mainly China and Japan.

With ridiculously low interest rates on US Treasury bills and bonds, high risk of a dollar collapse, and with China, Japan, and India forcing an expansion of their respective aggregate demands, a smaller volume of foreign savings will be available for financing the US fiscal deficit. Hence, Obama's team will be facing some unpleasant arithmetic; namely, a monetization of the deficit is the most likely course, that is, financing of the deficit through the banking system.

In view of low savings, such financing will turn inflationary, will depress the US dollar to record lows, will impose excessive effective taxation on fixed-income dependents such us pensioners and wage earners, and will have to crowd out private sector investment.

Hence, the job creation from the stimulus program will be more than offset by a decline in real consumer spending as illustrated by latest figures and a sharp decline in private investment. Furthermore, building an unsustainable level of government debt will increase the real future tax burden and may be a source of future hyperinflation when such debt becomes no longer manageable.

Obviously, the Obama administration is set on a very slippery path with no brakes for either monetary or fiscal policy. Such a course bodes a worsening economic and financial crisis, and most likely Obama will preside over a super inflationary economy combined with declining real growth, heightened uncertainties, and instabilities.

The growing external deficits of the past decade demonstrated clearly that the US had large shortcomings in its production potential and cannot afford a demand led growth. It has major shortfalls in producing cars, electronics, petrochemicals, appliances, clothing, energy and many food products.

The US economy is in dire need for a stabilization program more than in need for a stimulus and demand led program. Certainly, a stabilization program is not a populist one; however, it would enable the US economy to get out from this deadlocked situation and stave off dangerous downturns that may lie ahead.

Top priority is to rein in monetary policy and set a fixed rule for money supply and credit growth that cannot be arbitrarily exceeded. The latest growth of money supply M1 at 37% a year is destabilizing.

It is time to allow interest rates to be market determined and to avoid further interference with the housing markets. Market-determined interest rates will enable banks to resume lending to productive and safe customers, consolidate their income position and reconstitute reserves. The government should no longer interfere with housing prices. The government can enhance ownership by low-income families not by preventing foreclosures but as in many countries through construction of low-cost housing.

Non-government interference with housing prices will enable highly speculative home prices to re-adjust to market fundamentals rapidly and the housing markets to return quickly to normalcy.

The budget deficit has to be drastically reduced to sustainable and safe levels as soon as possible in order to be compatible with available savings and without crowding out the private sector or becoming inflationary. A fiscal deficit in the range of 2-3% of GDP would be conducive to stable economic growth; it could be financed without crowding out private sector investment.

With federal funds rate at zero bound, Bernanke has to realize that he has been under an illusion for a long time and his policy of rate cuts has turned disastrous not just for the US economy but for the rest of the world.

On the fiscal front, the new administration has to draw lessons from the excessive fiscal deficits of the Bush administration that drew down US savings and had to be financed essentially through large external accounts deficits and foreign borrowing.

A stimulus package when savings are low will amount to a redistribution of a smaller cake, a stimulus in one part of he economy will be simultaneously eroded by a de-stimulus in another part of the economy. The US economy in no way resembles the US economy during the Great Depression. In particular, government deficits did not exist, government debt was negligible, there was a protracted deflation of consumer prices, namely agriculture products; the US economy had an external current account surplus.

A stimulus program under Franklin Roosevelt made considerable sense and was appropriate given the underlying conditions. To succeed, a stimulus program under Obama must be supply-side focused; anyone can spend the money but to spend it wisely is something else.

Hossein Askari is professor of international business and international affairs at George Washington University. Noureddine Krichene is an economist at the International Monetary Fund and a former advisor, Islamic Development Bank, Jeddah.

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