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     May 13, 2010
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THE POST-CRISIS OUTLOOK: Part 6
Global sovereign debt crisis

By Henry C K Liu

This is the seventh article in a series.
Part 1: The crisis of wealth destruction
Part 2: Banks in crisis: 1929 and 2007
Part 3: The Fed's no-exit strategy
Part 4: Fed's double-edged rescue
Part 5: Too big to save
Part 6: Public debt - prudence and folly


As a result of government bailouts and stimulus spending in response to the global financial crisis, gross government debts around the world have risen to unprecedented heights by 2010 and are expected to continue on an upward trend for the foreseeable future as recovery remains anemic in many regions in the world. Ironically, the list of countries with high sovereign debt is topped by Japan, notwithstanding Japan's huge foreign

 

currency reserve and its large export sector and persistent trade surplus.

Japan has been in permanent recession since the 1985 Plaza Accord pushed the exchange value of the yen up against the dollar without any significant effect on US-Japan trade imbalance in Japan's favor. Despite continuing trade surpluses, Japan's gross government debt rose from 170% of GDP in 2007 to nearly 200% in 2010 as the Japanese government revved up spending to stimulate in vain the structurally impaired export economy.

A similar fate will fall on all economies that depend excessively on export for growth as the traditional import markets in the advanced economies such as the United States and the European Union are themselves trapped in anemic growth by excessive debt for decades to come.

Yet the world, led by the US, has continued to waste money on military spending in the middle of a ruinous financial crisis. In 2008, global military spending totaled US$1.5 trillion. The US alone spent $607 billion on defense (41% of world total) while many of its citizens were defenseless against losing their homes through mortgage foreclosure due to falling income.

Stimulus packages dwarfed by military spending
In 2008, congress approved a stimulus package of $819 billion that included regressive tax cuts, with spending to begin in 2009 and to end in 2019. Taking away tax cuts, the spending amounts to $637 billion, with peak spending at $263.4 billion in 2010 - less than half of US military spending in 2008.

Meanwhile, special appropriations have been used to fund most of the costs of war and occupation in Iraq and Afghanistan so far. Much of the costs for these conflicts have not been funded through regular appropriations bills but through emergency supplemental appropriations bills. As such, most of these expenses were not included in the budget deficit calculation prior to the financial year ending in September 30, 2010.

From 2001 through February 2009, the Congressional Research Service estimates that congress approved $864 billion in war-related funding for the Departments of Defense, State and Veterans Affairs. This total is allocated as $657 billion for Iraq, $173 billion for Afghanistan, $28 billion for enhanced military base security, and $5.5 billion that cannot be categorized. Aside from normal military spending, about $900 billion of US taxpayers' funds have been spent, or approved for spending, through September 2010 for the Iraq War alone.

Growth needs to come from development, not trade
Not withstanding the fact that in 2010, despite the global financial crisis, the EU and the US still remain the world's two largest economies by gross domestic product (GDP) the EU at $16.5 trillion, the US at $14.8 trillion, about 50% of the world total of $61.8 trillion, the days are numbered when theses two economies can continue to play the role of the world's main consumption engines and act as markets of last resort for the export-dependent economies.

For sustainable growth in the world economy, all national economies will have to concentrate on developing their own domestic markets and depend on domestic consumption for economic growth.

International trade will return to playing an augmentation role to support the balanced development of domestic economies. The world can no longer be organized into two unequal halves of poor workers and rich consumers, which has been an imperialist distortion of the theory of division of labor into a theory of exploitation of labor, and of the theory of comparative advantage into a reality of absolute advantage for the rich economies.

Going forward, workers in all countries will have to receive a fair and larger share of the wealth they produce in order to sustain aggregate consumer demand globally and to conduct fair trade between trading partners. Capital is increasingly sourced from the pensions and savings of workers. Thus it is common-sense logic that returns on capital cannot be achieved at the expense of fair wages. Moreover, capital needs to be recognized as belonging to the workers, not to the financial manipulators.

The idea that workers doing the same work are paid at vastly different wages in different parts of the world is not only unjust but also uneconomic. For example, there is no economic reason or purpose, much less moral justification, why workers in the US should command wages five times more than those of workers in China doing the same work. The solution is not to push down US wages, but to push up Chinese wages to reach bilateral parity between the two trading partners.

International trade driven by cross border wage and income disparity globally will wither away from its own internal contradiction which ultimately will lead to market failure. Low-paid workers are the fundamental obstacle to growth from operative demand management at both the domestic and international levels. Pitting workers in one country against workers in another will only destroy international trade with counterproductive protectionism, which is not to be confused with economic nationalism.

Some small countries may have no easy option other than to depend on export for growth. These countries, such as the small Asian tigers, are condemned to zero growth for the coming transitional decade as the world economy shifts from export-led growth to domestic-development-led growth. They may have to seek balanced domestic growth through true comparative advantage by symbiotic integration in large super-national economic blocks, to shift export into intra-regional trade.

For example, unlike China, Japan's domestic market is simply not big enough to make up for a rapid slowdown of its huge export sector. Thus Japan will have to find ways to further boost already saturated domestic consumption while shrinking its export sector, most likely facing negative growth until the protracted restructuring of its dysfunctional export-dependent economy is completed.

One option would be for Japan to integrate its oversized national economy with that of China so that the huge Japanese export sector can be transformed into a super-national domestic sector of a Sino-Japanese common market. South Korea faces the same problem and may have to consider the option of integration into a super-national East Asian economy. However, the East Asian model needs to be different than that employed by the EU for what are by now obvious reasons.

In 2010, on a purchasing power parity basis, China's GDP is $9.7 trillion, Japan's is $4.3 trillion and South Korea's is $1.4 trillion. An integrated East Asian super-national economy will have a PPP (purchasing power parity) GDP of $15.4 trillion, bigger than that of the US of $14.8 trillion.

The availability of a large domestic market with a large population and ample land are the reasons why large countries such as the BRIC (Brazil, Russia, India, China) are going to be dominant core economies going forward with symbiotic integration with neighboring smaller countries.

Foreign holders of US sovereign debt
China's foreign reserve hit $2.5 trillion in March 2010. In April 2010, Japan's foreign reserves fell below $1 trillion. By another calculation, at the end of March 2010, China's total funds outstanding for foreign exchange were around 20 trillion yuan ($2.93 trillion at concurrent exchange rate), showing around $110 billion of growth compared to the end of 2009.

On February 16, 2010, the US Department of Treasury reported that Japan boosted its holdings of US Treasuries by $11.5 billion in December 2009, bringing the total to $768.8 billion, making Japan once again the largest creditor to the US. China, after briefly occupying top position, became once again the second-largest holder of US Treasuries, having sold $122.1 billion earlier to bring its total to $755.4 billion, down from $877.5 billion in January, relinquishing the top position creditor back to Japan.

The most US Treasuries China had held in reserve was $939.3 billion in July 2009, two years after the global financial crisis broke out in July 2007 and five months after congress approved the $787 billion stimulus package to be funded with debt.

Outside of Asia, the United Kingdom bought $24.9 billion of US sovereign debt during the same month, bringing its total to $302.5 billion. Brazil bought $3.5 billion, bringing its total to $160.6 billion. Russia sold $9.6 billion, reducing its total to $118.5 billion. Foreign creditors, nervous about US stimulus spending, of future money sold the most amount of US sovereign debt in December 2009, $53 billion, surpassing the previous record drop of $44.5 billion in April 2009. At the end of February 2010, total Treasuries outstanding were around $13 trillion; the amount held by foreigners was around $3.75 trillion.

As of March 2010, China's foreign exchange reserve totaled $2.45 trillion, about 60% of which was invested in US securities. These securities include long-term Treasury debt, long-term agency debt, long-term corporate debt, long-term equities, and short-term debt.

Hillary Clinton during her first visit to China as secretary of state in February 2009 urged China to continue to buy US Treasury securities. A month later, in March 2009, Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao responded by stating publicly that he was "a little worried" about the safety of China's holdings of US sovereign debt. In addition, some Chinese government officials have called for replacing the dollar as the world's main foreign reserve currency with International Monetary Fund special drawing rights, harking back to John Maynard Keynes' proposal of "bancors" for an international clearing union at the Bretton Woods Conference in 1943.

Foreign investors had been a mainstay of the market for US government-sponsored enterprise (GSE) debt (such as that issued by Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac), but uncertainty over the GSE mortgage financiers' capital positions and the timing and structure of an anticipated government rescue by September 2008 made investors reassess their risk exposures. Asian investors in particular became net sellers of US agency debt.

Federal Reserve custody data show that for 2008 up to July, foreign government and private investors bought a monthly average of $20 billion of US agency debt issued by GSEs such as Ginnie Mae, Freddie Mac and the Federal Home Loan banks. Foreign purchases of US Treasuries averaged $9.25 billion a month. All told, the average monthly purchase of US public debt by foreigners was around $30 billion.

From July 16 to August 20, 2008, foreign buyers sold $14.7 billion of US agency debt, trimming their overall holdings to $972 billion. They purchased $71.1 billion of Treasuries in the same period with dollars earned from trade surplus.

Bailing out GSEs to protect foreigners' exposure
In his just published memoir, On The Brink, former Treasury secretary Henry Paulson revealed that Russia made a "top-level approach" to China "that together they might sell big chunks of their GSE holdings to force the US to use its emergency authorities to prop up these companies". Paulson wrote he learned of the "disruptive scheme" while attending the Beijing Summer Olympics. "The report was deeply troubling - heavy selling could create a sudden loss of confidence in the GSEs and shake the capital markets," Paulson wrote. "I waited till I was back home and in a secure environment to inform the president."

The Bank of China, the nation's major foreign exchange bank, cut its portfolio of securities issued or guaranteed by troubled US GSE home mortgage financiers Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac by 25% since the end of June 2008. The sale by the Bank of China, which reduced its holdings of US agency debt by $4.6 billion to about $14 billion, was a sign of nervousness among foreign buyers of Fannie and Freddie's bonds and guaranteed securities. China holds about $400 billion of US agency debt in total.

A month after secretary Paulson returned from the Beijing Olympics with the disturbing message for President George W Bush, the Treasury on September 7, 2008, unveiled its extraordinary takeover of GSEs Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, by invoking Section (14) authority under of the 1932 Federal Reserve Act, as amended by the Banking Act of 1935 and the FDIC Improvement Act of 1991.

Continued 1 2  


The Complete Henry C K Liu


1. India steals a march on the high seas

2. Doubts grow on McChrystal's war plan

3. The American Taliban are coming

4. Ignore Keynes behind the arras

5. In denial about North Korea

6. To Congo, with trouble

7. Karzai in the lion's den

8. Militants in no mood to talk

9. Pariahs at your back door

10. Aquino on brink of landslide victory

(24 hours to 11:59pm ET, May 11, 2010)

 
 


 

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