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     Nov 25, 2010


Page 2 of 3
PAY, PROFIT AND GROWTH, Part 2
Gold shows its true metal
By Henry C K Liu

This is the second article in a series.
Part 1: Stagnant wages leading to overcapacity

The contango should not exceed the cost of carry because producers and consumers can compare the futures contract price against the spot price plus storage, and choose the better one. Arbitrageurs can sell one and buy the other for a theoretically risk-free profit to bring the price back into line.

In a futures contract, for no arbitrage to be possible the price paid on delivery (the forward price) must be the same as the cost (including interest) of buying and storing the asset. In other words, the rational forward price represents the expected future value of

 

the underlying discounted at the risk free rate (the "asset with a known future-price"). Thus, for a simple, non-dividend paying asset, the value of the future/forward will be found by accumulating the present value at a specific time to maturity by the rate of risk-free return.

Investors need to be aware of return-killing factors through contango. Since contango is a phenomenon when nearby, or front-month, futures contract prices are higher than spot prices, that means when expiring futures positions held by an exchange trade fund (ETF) such as the United State Oil Fund (NYSEArca: USO) are rolled over to the next nearby contract, returns are diminished. That can really add up and cause returns on funds such as USO to vary significantly from spot oil prices.

If there is a near-term shortage, the price comparison breaks down and contango may be reduced or perhaps even reversed altogether into backwardation. In that state, near prices become higher than far (ie future) prices because consumers prefer to have the product sooner rather than later, and because there are few holders who can make an arbitrage profit by selling the spot and buying back the future.

A market that is steeply backwardated - ie one where there is a very steep premium for material available for immediate delivery - often indicates a perception of a current shortage in the underlying commodity. By the same token, a market that is deeply in contango may indicate a perception of a current supply surplus in the commodity.

For example, in 2005 and 2006, a perception of impending supply shortage put the crude oil market into backwardation. Traders simultaneously bought oil and sold futures forward. This led to large numbers of tankers loaded with oil sitting idle in ports acting as floating warehouses. It was estimated that perhaps a $10 to $20 per barrel premium was added to spot price of oil as a result of this backwardation. If such is the case, the premium may have ended when global oil storage capacity became exhausted; the contango would have deepened as the lack of storage supply to soak up excess oil supply would have put further pressure on prompt prices.

However, as crude and gasoline prices continued to rise between 2007 and 2008 to peak at $139 per barrel, this practice became so contentious that in June 2008, the Commodity Futures Trading Commission (CFTC), the Federal Reserve, and the US Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) decided to create task forces to investigate whether this took place.

A crude oil contango occurred again in January 2009, with arbitrageurs storing millions of barrels in tankers to profit from it. But by the summer, that price curve had flattened considerably. The contango exhibited in crude oil in 2009 explains the discrepancy between the headline spot price increase (bottoming at $35 and topping $80 in the year) and the various tradable instruments for crude oil (such as rolled contracts or longer-dated futures contracts) showing a much lower price increase. The United states Oil (USO) ETF also failed to replicate crude oil spot price performance.

BIS gold leasing
One reason Bank of International Settlements (BIS) gold-swap activities incite controversy is because, on the face of it, the BIS - being the central bankers' central bank - is not supposed to lend directly to commercial banks. However, via its gold-swap the BIS has clearly found a way around this restriction.

BIS Statute Article 21 (a) states:
The Board shall determine the nature of the operations to be undertaken by the Bank. The Bank may in particular: (a) buy and sell gold coin or bullion for its own account or for the account of central banks.
So essentially the BIS is free to buy and sell to whomever it wants in connection with its own bullion account: that is to say as part of its own market operations.

Gold carry trade
Central banks have always leased out their gold to bullion banks to make their assets work for them. This was particularly the case when gold prices were stagnant, with little scope for asset appreciation, thus forcing central banks to seek revenue for the gold it holds. Central banks would lease their gold to the bullion banks for a price just less than the going interbank market rate - or what they perceived would cover their credit risk by some basis points.

The bullion banks, to make profit from BIS gold leasing - and to protect against falling gold prices - acting as market makers, would lease the gold forward at a higher price and invest the proceeds at the official market rate, hence capturing the so-called implied lease rate (equal to Libor minus the gold forward rate). These central banks' own position would then be market neutral to gold price volatility, and they could then profit by a healthy spread.
Gold producers like Ashanti and Barrick were keen to be on the other side of the central bank gold leasing trade to hedge the future sales of their gold production or to help finance increased production. They did this by taking advantage of the gold contango carry trade, much like in the oil market. The cost of financing and sound credit relationships are critical conditions needed to sustaining this strategy.

These conditions (low financial cost and solid credit) disappeared with the bankruptcy of Lehman Brothers on September 15, 2008. As credit risk rose, the central banks pulled out of the gold leasing market substantially - since there was no incentive for them to lend their gold against rising credit risk. It was also close to impossible to find creditworthy counterparties.

Central bank withdrawal from the gold leasing market would have put downward pressure on gold forward rates. However, because central bank presence was replaced by bids from the private sector (which had higher finance costs), the effect pushed gold forwards to rise relative to Libor. The central banks stopped leasing gold when lease rates went below 10 basis points needed to cover their credit risk. Meanwhile the reason lease rates went negative was because investors were lending gold against borrowing dollars through their forward purchases on leverage for forward delivery, pushing up gold forwards. As Libor fell, GoFo (gold forwards) fell but not so much as Libor.

With most investors going long on gold against the dollar, with more expensive financing costs than the highly rated bullion banks already long in the market and looking for a return via the contango trade financed with leverage - lease rates ultimately turned negative.

Traditionally, gold interest rates are lower than fiat dollar interest rates because gold is safer. This gives a positive figure for the forward rate, meaning that forward rates are at a premium to spot. This condition is a contango. On very rare occasions when there is a shortage of metal liquidity for leasing, the cost of borrowing metal may exceed the cost of borrowing dollars. Under such conditions, the forward differential becomes a negative figure, producing a forward price lower than, or at a discount to, the spot price, creating a backwardation.

Market participants borrow money from banks that grant them leverage facilities at a margin. For a hedge fund, that margin can be quite large, up to Libor plus 200 basis points outright just to leverage a long gold position, which is much higher than for a central bank whose credit in unquestionable. Under such conditions, it makes sense for a central bank to lend dollars and get the gold as the security. Then all participants in the gold market are long and the marginal cost to borrow then is much higher than Libor, which pushes gold forwards up.

Central bank arbitrage has since appeared to have been reversed, largely because the amount of gold that is in the system is more than the market can profitably finance. From the BIS perspective, gold forward rates might have finally become steep enough for it to arbitrage the market. Under such conditions, eurozone institutions became simply intermediaries - matching BIS cash with the gold length that was already in the market which happened to be in need of financing.

A central bank doing a one-year trade on gold would buy gold for payment on October 31, 2010, at $1,200 and sell it back for payment on October 31, 2011, at $1,208.88. For one year, the central bank can take the gold and put it in its vault and gets a return of $8.88/oz, or 0.74% interest on its dollar investment (8.88/1200 = 0.74% = 1yr GOFO fixing on the website of the London Bullion Market Association, or LBMA). This trade is known as cash and carry arbitrage. The central banks, with a massive amount of cash and a gold vault, are in the best position to do cash and carry arbitrage.

For example, the yield on long bonds climbed 23 basis points, or 0.23 percentage point, to 3.98%, from 3.75% on October 8, according to BGCantor Market Data. It touched 4.01% on October 20, the most since August 10. The increase was the biggest since a 31-basis point jump for the five days ended August 7, 2009. The 3.875% security due end of August 2040 dropped 4 3/32, or $40.94 per $1,000 face amount, to 98 5/32.

The London Bullion Market Association was established in 1987 to represent the interests of the participants in the wholesale bullion market. It comprises 10 market-making members who quote prices for buying and selling gold (and silver) throughout each working day from 8 am until 5 pm; 44 ordinary members, covering a wide range of banks, trading companies, assayers and refiners, mints and security companies; and 24 international associates, a category of membership that was introduced in 2000.

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