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3 CREDIT BUBBLE
BULLETIN Fed's
Lacker takes a stand Commentary and weekly watch by Doug
Noland
US Federal Reserve chairman Ben
Bernanke, writing last week in his report, "The
Economic Recovery and Economic Policy":
As background for our monetary
policy decision making, we at the Federal
Reserve have spent a good deal of effort
attempting to understand the reasons why the
economic recovery has not been stronger. Studies
of previous financial crises provide one helpful
place to start. This literature has found that
severe financial crises - particularly those
associated with housing booms and busts - have
often been associated with
many years of subsequent weak performance. While
this result allows for many interpretations, one
possibility is that financial crises, or the
deep recessions that typically accompany them,
may reduce an economy's potential growth rate,
at least for a time. The accumulating evidence
does appear consistent with the financial crisis
and the associated recession having reduced the
potential growth rate of our economy somewhat
during the past few years.
It is inaccurate to
blame the 2008-09 financial crisis for the
lagging US recovery. Poor post-bubble economic
performance instead relates directly to previous
boom-time excesses. There should be little
debate that loose Federal Reserve policies
played prominently throughout the mortgage
finance bubble period.
A system doesn't
almost double total outstanding mortgage credit
in about six years without unleashing major
distortions in the allocation of resources and
spending/investing patterns throughout the real
economy. And surely no one can argue that four
years of zero rates and massive federal deficit
spending have fostered sound resource allocation
and significant economic wealth-creating
investment.
Post-bubble backdrops create
a real mess in terms of policymaking, and
inevitably, the bigger the bubble the more
profound the messiness. We've been witnessing
this dynamic play out around the world.
Simplistically, when the pie is perceived to be
shrinking, reaching political consensus becomes
a constant battle. When previous policies and
associated environments are viewed as having
unjustly and inequitably distributed wealth,
there will undoubtedly be a powerful backlash.
Political and social forces will gather -
determined to make amends.
With an
underlying focus on redistribution, post-bubble
democracies will struggle to promote and
implement sound growth policies. As we've
witnessed at home and abroad, emboldened central
bankers have been keen to exploit political
impotence. Meanwhile, an already troubled
backdrop is only compounded by the general
confusion (along with a bevy of flawed theories)
as to the causes of post-bubble stagnation.
Here in the US, we've had an election,
and now our elected officials will be tasked
with managing an increasingly problematic fiscal
predicament. If voters are not satisfied,
they'll return to voting booths in two and four
years. While attention is these days fixated on
the "fiscal cliff" drama, our unelected central
bankers seem determined to push their grand
experiment even further into uncharted waters.
The dangers associated with discretionary
monetary policy remain a prominent theme of my
macro-credit theory. As recognized generations
ago, too much discretion virtually ensures that
errors in monetary policy will be compounded by
only bigger mistakes.
President of the
San Francisco Federal Reserve Bank John Williams
has recently voiced support for increasing the
Fed's monthly quantitative easing (QE) operation
to $85 billion, beginning in January, fully
offsetting the expiration of the Fed's
"operation twist" (buy bonds, sell T-bills)
support operation. Furthermore, comments last
week from chairman Bernanke seemed to lend
support to those on the committee (including
ultra-doves Janet Yellen and Charles Evans)
calling for more definitive numerical targets
(ie unemployment rate) to drive policy
decisions.
Employment growth has lagged
badly during this recovery specifically because
of deep credit bubble-associated structural
economic maladjustment. It would be most
regrettable to use the current elevated
unemployment rate as justification for
augmenting monetary looseness that is today
clearly promoting government finance bubble
excess and maladjustment. Amazingly, after all
these years the Fed somehow remains blind to the
bubbles it inflates.
You either believe
in sound money and credit or you don't. As such,
the Bundesbank has been fighting a lonely
battle. I'll give another hat tip to its
distinguished president for his determination to
keep fighting the good fight.
On
Friday from Bloomberg (Scott Hamilton and Stefan
Riecher):
European Central Bank Governing
Council member Jens Weidmann said the bank's
crisis-fighting measures may encourage
governments to delay tackling the root causes of
the problem and make the situation worse. "It is
certainly true that if the house is burning,
putting out the fire has to be the most pressing
concern," Weidmann... said... "But we have to
also make sure that with all the fire fighting
and new fire insurance that we're handing out,
we're not unwittingly preparing the ground for
the next fire."
Weidmann, an outspoken
critic of the [European Central Bank's] planned
bond-purchase program, cited the central bank's
1 trillion euros (US$1.29 trillion) of
three-year loans to banks as an example of the
risks inherent in its crisis-fighting measures.
While those loans averted a credit crunch, they
were used by banks to buy government bonds,
increasing the risks on their balance sheets and
potentially exacerbating the debt crisis, he
said.
"The crisis has blurred the
boundaries between monetary policy and fiscal
policy... The impression that you can escape
this with temporary easy policies, through
monetary policies, just aggravates the problems
we face in the future. Monetary policy is seen
by politicians as an easy way out. It is not a
panacea."
On November 19 from Dow
Jones (Tom Fairless and Todd Buell):
Crisis-stricken euro zone states may
do better by pushing through tough budget cuts
early rather than seeking to stretch them out
over a longer period, the head of Germany's
central bank said... "It is sometimes better to
have a hard cut at the beginning" which leads to
visible success, than to have a long process
that seems never to end, said Jens Weidmann,
President of Germany's Bundesbank and a member
of the European Central Bank's governing
council... Asked about the social costs of
austerity in Greece and Spain, Mr. Weidmann said
'one thing is clear. The adjustments in those
countries cannot be avoided.' The developments
that took place prior to the crisis 'and which
led to the crisis can't simply continue,' he
said."
And from MarketNews
International on November 23:
Exiting from accommodative monetary
policy will become more difficult over time...
Weidmann said Friday. ... Weidmann acknowledged
that these were "not normal times" but warned it
is "important to keep in mind the long-term
consequences of what we are doing." "The balance
of risks and benefits will shift over time and
it is getting more and more difficult to exit,"
Weidmann said, arguing that central bank actions
continue to "distort" markets...
Weidmann... reiterated that monetary
policy should not be "overburdened" in the
current crisis and warned that central bank
interventions risked delaying government
reforms. "Monetary policy is seen by many
politicians as the easy way out... " While it
"buys you time," it might "lead to behavior
where you just sit and wait," he warned.
Weidmann said the "experience so far is not very
comforting in this respect... you buy time that
is not being used."
Typically well
said by Weidmann, with his "sound money" framework
as pertinent here in the US as it is in Europe.
Much closer to home, I strongly commend
Jeffrey Lacker, president of the Federal Reserve
Bank of Richmond, for last week taking a strong
stand against the course of Federal Reserve
policymaking. In his speech, "Perspectives on
Monetary and Credit Policy", at the Shadow Open
Market Symposium in New York, Lacker took
exception with various aspects of the Fed's
current policy approach, including the proposal
for basing monetary stimulus on the unemployment
rate.
... Crisp numerical thresholds may
work well in the classroom models used to
illustrate policy principles, but one or two
economic statistics do not always capture the
rich array of policy-relevant information about
the state of the economy.
Lacker also
delved into the important issue of credit policy:
When the Fed expands reserves by
buying private assets, it extends public sector
credit to private borrowers. To the extent that
purchases of private claims have any effect,
they do so by distorting the relative cost of
credit among different borrowers. Such
differential effects are unlikely to be
beneficial, on net, unless borrowers in the
favored sector would otherwise face artificially
high rates. I think it's difficult to make this
case for agency MBS [mortgage-backed securities]
, a sector that historically has benefited from
heavy subsidies, which arguably contributed to
dangerously high homeowner leverage.
So
I do not see the rationale for reducing the
interest rates paid by conforming home mortgage
borrowers relative to those paid by, say,
small-business borrowers. Moreover, purchasing
agency MBS encourages the continuation of a
housing finance model based heavily on
government-sponsored enterprises, at a time when
the housing sector would be better served by a
new model that relies less on government credit
subsidies...
An immediate consequence of
a central bank's independence is the capacity to
use its balance sheet to direct the flow of
credit toward particular market segments,
circumventing the constitutional checks and
balances that would otherwise apply to such
fiscal initiatives.
The decision to
promote rapid mortgage credit growth as an
integral aspect of its post-tech bubble ("mopping
up") monetary stimulus was arguably the greatest
policy blunder in the history of the Federal
Reserve system. Recent comments from Bernanke and
other Fed officials make it clear that they are
today more determined than ever to promote
mortgage credit growth in a desperate attempt to
resuscitate a private-sector credit boom. Not only
does such a move again go beyond our central
bank's mandate, it indicates that critical lessons
with respect to the dangers of loose money/credit
and government market intervention remain
unlearned.
And, courageously, Lacker comes
with a quite sound proposal: "If the Federal
Reserve cannot limit credit policy of its own
accord, legislation may be the best option. And
the restraint of credit policy would not be
complete unless limits on reserve bank lending are
complemented by limits on the Fed's ability to buy
private sector assets."
This is absolutely
correct. Some basic rules of the game would go a
long way toward containing the ongoing damage
associated with profligate discretionary monetary
management. This runaway experiment must be reined
in; there has to be a return to trusted central
banking principles. The Fed should be limited to
government debt purchases, and there must be clear
limitations on the size of its balance sheet. And
I would argue that until there is a return to a
sound monetary doctrine there will remain this
pall of uncertainty overhanging the economy.
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